us political system essay

American Political System

Exploring the american political system, institutions, processes, and challenges, introduction.

The American political system is a complex and multifaceted structure that plays a crucial role in shaping the nation’s governance and policies. Understanding this system is of paramount importance as it directly impacts the lives of every American citizen and influences global politics. This essay aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the American political system, delving into its historical foundations, institutional components, electoral processes, contemporary challenges, and potential reforms.

Historical Foundations

The roots of the American political system can be traced back to its colonial and revolutionary past. The early American colonists, heavily influenced by Enlightenment ideas, sought to establish a system that would protect their rights and provide a framework for self-governance.

The development of the United States Constitution in 1787 was a pivotal moment in American history. It laid the groundwork for the federal government and established the principles of separation of powers and federalism . The Constitution’s creation was not without controversy, leading to a spirited debate captured in the Federalist Papers, authored by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay.

During this period, early political parties, such as the Federalists and the Democratic-Republicans, began to emerge, reflecting differing ideologies and visions for the new nation. These parties played a significant role in shaping the political landscape of the United States.

The Three Branches of Government

The American political system is characterized by its tripartite structure, consisting of three co-equal branches of government: the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial branches. Each branch has distinct roles and responsibilities, ensuring a system of checks and balances that prevent any one branch from accumulating too much power.

The Executive Branch

The Executive Branch is headed by the President of the United States, who serves as both the head of state and the head of government. The President’s powers and duties include the execution of laws, foreign policy decisions, and the appointment of key government officials. Executive agencies and departments, such as the Department of Defense and the Department of Health and Human Services, carry out various government functions under the President’s direction. This branch plays a crucial role in shaping domestic and international policies.

The Legislative Branch

The Legislative Branch, also known as Congress, is responsible for making and passing laws. It consists of two chambers: the House of Representatives and the Senate. Members of the House of Representatives, known as Representatives, are elected based on population, while each state has two Senators. The legislative process involves the introduction, debate, and voting on bills, which, once approved by both chambers, become law. Committees within Congress play a vital role in examining and refining proposed legislation, and party dynamics influence the legislative agenda. Additionally, the power of impeachment, as outlined in the Constitution, gives Congress the authority to remove high-ranking government officials.

The Judicial Branch

The Judicial Branch is responsible for interpreting and applying the law. The federal court system, with the Supreme Court at its apex, ensures the rule of law is upheld throughout the nation. The Supreme Court, comprised of nine justices, holds the final authority in legal matters and has the power of judicial review, enabling it to declare laws unconstitutional. Landmark Supreme Court cases, such as Brown v. Board of Education and Roe v. Wade, have had a profound impact on American society and civil rights. The judicial branch’s role in safeguarding the Constitution and individual rights cannot be overstated.

The Electoral Process

The American electoral process is a cornerstone of the democratic system, providing citizens with the opportunity to choose their representatives and leaders. This section delves into the intricacies of elections, political parties, and the unique features that define American democracy.

Elections and Political Parties

At the heart of the electoral process are elections themselves, which serve as the mechanism through which citizens express their preferences. The United States has a two-party system dominated by the Democratic and Republican parties. These parties play a pivotal role in shaping the political landscape, with candidates from each party competing in various elections, from local offices to the presidency.

Primary elections and caucuses are key components of the American electoral process. These events determine each party’s nominee for major elections. They allow party members to participate in the selection of candidates who will represent their party in the general election.

Voter Participation and Demographics

Voter participation is a crucial aspect of any democracy. However, voter turnout in the United States varies across elections and demographics. Factors such as voter registration processes, election timing, and political engagement influence turnout rates.

Demographics also play a significant role in shaping elections. Understanding the demographics of voters and their voting behavior is essential for political campaigns and parties. Factors like age, race, gender, and socioeconomic status can impact voting choices and influence election outcomes.

Gerrymandering and Its Effects

Gerrymandering is a practice that involves manipulating electoral district boundaries to favor one political party or group over another. This practice can distort the representation of citizens and undermine the principle of fair representation. Gerrymandering has been a contentious issue in American politics, with ongoing debates about how to address it and ensure fair and competitive elections.

Interest Groups and Political Movements

Interest groups and political movements are essential components of the American political system, serving as vehicles for citizens to voice their concerns, advocate for specific policies, and influence government decisions. This section explores the role of interest groups, lobbying efforts, grassroots movements, and the impact of money in politics.

Role and Influence of Interest Groups

Interest groups, often organized around specific issues or industries, seek to advance their agendas by influencing government policies and decisions. These groups can represent a wide range of interests, including labor unions, environmental organizations, and business associations. Their activities include lobbying, advocacy, and mobilizing their members to support or oppose legislation.

Lobbying and Advocacy

Lobbying is a common practice in American politics, where interest groups and their representatives engage with elected officials to persuade them to support their positions. Lobbyists use various strategies, including providing information, campaign contributions, and building relationships with lawmakers. While lobbying is a legitimate means of influencing the political process, concerns about the influence of money in politics and potential conflicts of interest have led to ongoing debates and calls for transparency and accountability.

Grassroots Movements and Their Impact

Grassroots movements are social and political movements driven by individuals and communities rather than established organizations. They often emerge in response to specific issues or perceived injustices. These movements have played a significant role in American history, from the civil rights movement of the 1960s to contemporary movements like Black Lives Matter and climate activism. Grassroots movements rely on public support, protests, and advocacy to bring about change and influence government policies.

Money in Politics and Campaign Finance

Money plays a central role in American politics, funding election campaigns, and shaping political discourse. Campaign finance laws and regulations govern the flow of money into elections and political activities. Super PACs, dark money contributions, and the Citizens United Supreme Court decision have raised questions about transparency, the influence of wealthy donors, and the potential for corruption in the political system. Reform efforts seek to address these concerns and ensure that the political process remains fair and accessible to all citizens.

Contemporary Challenges

The American political system faces a multitude of contemporary challenges that test its resilience and adaptability in an ever-changing world. This section explores some of the pressing issues and concerns that confront the system in the 21st century.

Polarization and Political Gridlock

One of the most significant challenges facing the American political landscape is the increasing polarization of political parties and the resulting political gridlock. Deep ideological divisions between Democrats and Republicans have made it increasingly difficult to find common ground and pass essential legislation. This polarization often leads to legislative standoffs and undermines the ability of government institutions to address pressing issues.

The Role of Media in Shaping Public Opinion

The media plays a critical role in shaping public opinion and influencing political discourse. The rise of cable news, social media, and online news platforms has transformed the way information is disseminated and consumed. However, concerns about media bias, the spread of misinformation, and echo chambers that reinforce preexisting beliefs have raised questions about the media’s impact on political polarization and the quality of public discourse.

Issues of Representation and Minority Rights

Issues of representation and the protection of minority rights remain at the forefront of American politics. Questions about the fairness of electoral processes, voter suppression, and the representation of marginalized communities persist. Debates over voting rights, immigration policy, and civil rights continue to shape the political landscape and highlight the ongoing struggle for equal representation and justice.

The Impact of Globalization on American Politics

Globalization has significantly influenced American politics, with economic, cultural, and geopolitical forces reshaping the nation’s priorities and challenges. Trade agreements, international diplomacy, and global threats like climate change and pandemics require a coordinated and adaptive response. The American political system must navigate the complexities of a globalized world while balancing national interests and international responsibilities.

Future Prospects and Reform

As the American political system grapples with contemporary challenges, it also faces questions about its future prospects and the need for reform. This section examines potential paths forward and the possibilities for enhancing the system’s effectiveness and accountability.

Potential Reforms to Improve the Political System

Efforts to reform the American political system have been ongoing throughout its history. Various proposals have emerged to address issues such as campaign finance reform, gerrymandering, and the role of money in politics. Proponents of reform advocate for changes to make the political process more transparent, accessible, and responsive to the needs of citizens.

The Role of Civic Education and Engagement

Civic education and engagement play a crucial role in the future of the American political system. Encouraging citizens to become informed and active participants in the political process can help strengthen democracy. Civics education in schools, initiatives to increase voter participation, and programs that promote civic literacy all contribute to a more engaged and informed electorate.

Speculation on the Future of American Politics

Speculating about the future of American politics is a complex endeavor. Predicting how the system will evolve in response to changing demographics, technological advancements, and global challenges is a subject of ongoing debate. Some foresee a more inclusive and responsive political system, while others express concerns about further polarization and division. The future of American politics is shaped by the choices and actions of its citizens and leaders.

In conclusion, the American political system is a dynamic and intricate framework that has evolved over centuries, shaped by historical events, ideologies, and the efforts of countless individuals. It serves as a model for democratic governance globally, but it also faces significant challenges in the modern era.

From its historical foundations, with the creation of the Constitution and the birth of political parties, to the contemporary challenges of polarization, media influence, and minority rights, the American political system has demonstrated both resilience and adaptability. It continues to play a pivotal role in shaping the nation’s policies and direction.

While the system faces challenges such as political gridlock and the impact of globalization, there is hope for its future. Potential reforms, increased civic education and engagement, and ongoing efforts to address issues of representation and equality all offer paths forward. The future of American politics will ultimately depend on the collective will and actions of its citizens.

1. Madison, James, et al. “The Federalist Papers.” Library of Congress, www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/ourdocs/federalist.html.

2. United States Constitution. National Archives and Records Administration, www.archives.gov/founding-docs/constitution.

3. Katznelson, Ira. “Fear Itself: The New Deal and the Origins of Our Time.” Liveright Publishing, 2014.

4. Smith, Adam. “The Wealth of Nations.” Penguin Classics, 1982.

5. Ginsburg, Tom, and Elkins, Zachary. “The American System of Government: Politics and Government in the United States.” Yale University Press, 2018.

Frequently Asked Questions about The American Political System

The American Political System is the framework of government and political processes that operate in the United States. It is characterized by its democratic principles and separation of powers among three branches: the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial. The system is guided by the United States Constitution, which establishes the rules and principles governing the nation’s governance. It includes processes for electing representatives, making and enforcing laws, and resolving disputes. The American political system also incorporates the role of political parties, interest groups, and grassroots movements in shaping public policy.

The American Political System is built on several fundamental principles:

Democracy : The system is rooted in the idea that the power to govern is derived from the consent of the governed. Citizens have the right to participate in the political process through elections and civic engagement.

Separation of Powers : The system divides government authority among three branches, ensuring that no single branch becomes too powerful. This separation, as outlined in the Constitution, is designed to prevent abuses of power.

Checks and Balances : Each branch has the ability to check the actions of the other two, preventing any one branch from dominating the others. This system of checks and balances promotes accountability and oversight.

Federalism : The American system features both a federal government and state governments, with powers divided between them. States have their own governments and jurisdictions, while the federal government handles national and international matters.

Presidents in the United States are elected through a complex process. First, political parties hold primary elections and caucuses in each state to choose their candidates. The winners become the official nominees of their respective parties. Then, a general election is held on the first Tuesday in November, where citizens cast their votes for president.

However, the U.S. does not directly elect the president through popular vote. Instead, the Electoral College system is used. Each state has a set number of electoral votes based on its representation in Congress (the number of senators and representatives combined). When citizens vote in the general election, they are technically voting for a slate of electors chosen by their state’s political parties.

These electors then meet in their respective state capitals in December to cast their votes for president. To win the presidency, a candidate must secure a majority of the electoral votes, which is currently 270 out of 538. In some cases, this system can lead to a candidate winning the electoral vote while losing the popular vote, as seen in several U.S. presidential elections.

Check out our in-depth piece on  the US Presidency.

Political parties are central to the American Political System and serve as crucial intermediaries between citizens and government. They play several key roles:

Candidate Nomination : Political parties select and endorse candidates to run for public office, including the presidency, through primary elections and caucuses.

Policy Formulation : Parties develop and promote policy platforms that reflect their ideologies and priorities. This helps voters understand the positions and values of the candidates they support.

Mobilizing Voters : Parties engage in voter outreach, registration, and mobilization efforts to encourage citizens to participate in elections.

Representation : Elected officials from the same party often work together to advance their party’s agenda in government, promoting party unity and cooperation.

Opposition : Parties that are not in power play the role of the opposition, providing checks and balances by scrutinizing and challenging the policies and actions of the party in power.

Shaping Public Opinion : Parties, along with the media, contribute to shaping public opinion by framing political debates and issues.

Political parties are a fundamental part of the American political landscape and help organize and structure the political process in the country.

Check out our in-depth piece on  Political Parties .

The Supreme Court of the United States is the highest court in the land and plays a pivotal role in interpreting the Constitution and shaping American jurisprudence. Its primary functions include:

Judicial Review : The Supreme Court has the power of judicial review, allowing it to examine laws and government actions to determine their constitutionality. This means the Court can strike down laws that it deems unconstitutional, shaping the legal landscape for the entire nation.

Interpreting the Constitution : The Court interprets the Constitution, settling disputes over its meaning and application. Landmark decisions, such as Brown v. Board of Education and Roe v. Wade, have had profound impacts on civil rights and social policy.

Resolving Disputes : The Court hears cases involving conflicts between states, federal vs. state laws, and disagreements between branches of government. Its decisions provide legal clarity and finality to these disputes.

Setting Legal Precedent : Supreme Court decisions become legal precedent, guiding lower courts and future cases. This precedent influences how laws are applied and interpreted across the country.

Protecting Individual Rights : The Court plays a vital role in safeguarding individual rights and liberties. It has ruled on cases related to free speech, privacy, and due process, shaping the protection of civil rights in the United States.

Check out our in-depth review of the Supreme Court and the Judiciary of the US .

Gerrymandering is the practice of manipulating electoral district boundaries to favor one political party over another. It can have significant impacts on the American political system:

Unfair Representation : Gerrymandering can lead to distorted representation, where the party in power redraws districts to secure more seats than their share of the popular vote would warrant, undermining the principle of fair representation.

Political Polarization : Gerrymandered districts often produce extreme partisan outcomes, as they are designed to be safe for one party. This can contribute to political polarization and discourage cooperation between parties.

Incumbent Protection : Gerrymandering can protect incumbents, making it difficult for challengers to unseat sitting politicians. This can reduce competition in elections and limit voters’ choices.

Undermining Trust : When voters perceive that their districts have been gerrymandered, it can erode trust in the electoral process and discourage civic engagement.

Efforts to address gerrymandering include calls for independent redistricting commissions and legal challenges to redraw district maps more fairly.

Voter participation in the United States faces several challenges:

Voter Registration : Complex voter registration processes and strict ID requirements can create barriers to voter participation, particularly for marginalized communities.

Voter Suppression : Efforts to restrict voting access, such as limiting early voting and closing polling places, disproportionately affect certain demographics and can discourage participation.

Disengagement : Apathy and disillusionment with the political process can lead to voter disengagement, where individuals feel that their vote won’t make a difference.

Gerrymandering : Gerrymandered districts can lead to uncompetitive elections, reducing the incentive for voters to participate when outcomes are predetermined.

Accessibility : Accessibility issues, such as inadequate accommodations for voters with disabilities, can hinder participation.

Efforts to improve voter participation include expanding access to early voting, implementing automatic voter registration, and promoting civic education.

Read more about  Elections and Campaigns in the US .

Issues of minority rights and representation have been central to the American political system’s development. Key aspects include:

Civil Rights Legislation : Historic legislation like the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 aimed to end racial discrimination and protect minority voting rights.

Affirmative Action : Affirmative action policies have been implemented to promote diversity and address historical discrimination in education and employment.

Voting Rights : Efforts have been made to protect minority voting rights, including the prevention of voter suppression and ensuring language assistance for non-English-speaking voters.

Representation : Minority communities have made strides in political representation, with increasing numbers of minority individuals serving in government at various levels.

Despite progress, challenges persist, and ongoing efforts are required to protect and expand minority rights and representation in the American political system.

The media plays a vital role in American politics by serving as a conduit of information between government, political actors, and the public. Its functions include:

Informing the Public : The media provides information about government actions, policies, and events, helping citizens stay informed about political developments.

Setting the Agenda : Media outlets can influence public discourse by highlighting specific issues or events, shaping the national agenda and political priorities.

Monitoring Government : Investigative journalism holds government officials accountable for their actions, exposing corruption and abuses of power.

Providing a Platform : The media offers a platform for political candidates and officials to communicate with the public, share their views, and engage in debates.

Framing Political Debates : Media outlets frame political debates by emphasizing certain aspects of an issue, influencing public perception and opinion.

Opinion Formation : Political commentators and analysts contribute to opinion formation, offering interpretations and insights on political matters.

However, concerns about media bias, misinformation, and the concentration of media ownership have raised questions about the media’s impact on the political process.

Make sure to check out our in-depth piece on Politics and the Media .

The American political system manages international relations through a combination of diplomatic, legislative, and executive actions:

Executive Branch : The President, as the nation’s chief diplomat, negotiates treaties and agreements with foreign governments. The State Department oversees diplomatic relations and embassies.

Congress : The Senate has the power to ratify treaties, while both chambers of Congress play a role in shaping foreign policy through legislation, budget approval, and oversight.

International Organizations : The United States is a member of international organizations such as the United Nations and NATO, participating in global diplomacy and security efforts.

Executive Orders : Presidents can use executive orders to implement foreign policy decisions, although these actions are subject to judicial and congressional review.

Military Power : The President, as Commander-in-Chief, can deploy military forces overseas, often requiring congressional approval for extended conflicts.

Trade and Economic Policy : Trade agreements and economic policies can have significant international implications, with Congress playing a key role in trade negotiations.

U.S. foreign policy reflects a balance of national interests, alliances, and global responsibilities.

Campaign finance and money in politics are complex issues addressed through a combination of legislation, regulations, and legal decisions:

Campaign Finance Laws : Federal and state campaign finance laws regulate the raising and spending of money in elections, including contribution limits and disclosure requirements.

Federal Election Commission (FEC) : The FEC enforces campaign finance laws at the federal level, overseeing campaign contributions, expenditures, and reporting.

Supreme Court Decisions : The Supreme Court’s Citizens United v. FEC decision in 2010 and subsequent rulings have shaped campaign finance, allowing corporations and unions to spend unlimited funds in elections.

Super PACs : Super Political Action Committees (PACs) can raise and spend unlimited amounts of money to support or oppose candidates, but they are prohibited from coordinating with candidates’ campaigns.

Public Financing : Some states and localities offer public financing options to reduce the influence of private money in elections.

Campaign finance reform remains a topic of debate, with calls for increased transparency, contribution limits, and public financing to reduce the influence of money in politics.

Interest groups and political movements influence government policy through a variety of strategies:

Lobbying : Interest groups hire lobbyists to advocate for their positions to lawmakers, providing information, conducting research, and proposing policy changes.

Advocacy Campaigns : Groups engage in advocacy campaigns to mobilize their members and the public, using grassroots efforts, social media, and advertising to promote their causes.

Campaign Contributions : Interest groups often make campaign contributions to candidates and parties to gain access and support for their policy agendas.

Litigation : Some groups use the legal system to challenge government actions or policies they oppose, leading to court decisions that can shape policy.

Public Opinion : Influencing public opinion through education and awareness campaigns can lead to increased support for specific policies, putting pressure on elected officials.

Direct Action : Political movements and advocacy groups may engage in protests, demonstrations, and civil disobedience to draw attention to their causes.

Interest groups and political movements play a vital role in the democratic process, representing diverse perspectives and ensuring that a wide range of voices is heard in policymaking.

Check out our in-depth piece of Political Interest Groups .

Home — Essay Samples — Government & Politics — American Government — 3 Branches of Government

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3 Branches of Government

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Published: Jan 30, 2024

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Introduction, a. overview of the three branches of government, b. checks and balances, c. importance of separation of powers, d. interactions between the branches.

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A History of the U. S. Political System: A History of American Political Development

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This reference resource combines unique historical analysis, scholarly essays, and primary source documents to explore the evolution of ideas and institutions that have shaped American government and Americans' political behavior.

One of the most active and revealing approaches to research into the American political system is one that focuses on political development, an approach that combines the tools of the political scientist and the historian. A History of the U.S. Political System: Ideas, Interests, and Institutions is the first comprehensive resource that uses this approach to explore the evolution of the American political system from the adoption of the Constitution to the present.

A History of the U.S. Political System is a three-volume collection of original essays and primary documents that examines the ideas, institutions, and policies that have shaped American government and politics throughout its history. The first volume is issues-oriented, covering governmental and nongovernmental institutions as well as key policy areas. The second volume examines America's political development historically, surveying its dynamic government era by era. Volume three is a collection of documentary materials that supplement and enhance the reader's experience with the other volumes.

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  • Compare and contrast what is a direct democracy versus representative democracy. 
  • React to the following statement: Democratic decision-making should be extended to all areas of life including schools, the workplace, and the government. 
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  • Outline a program that would get more people to vote in presidential elections or local elections.
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  • Compare and contrast the major political parties in the United States. What policies are they preparing for upcoming elections?
  • Why would voters choose to vote for a third party, even though they know that their candidate has virtually no chance of winning? 
  • Describe the major sources of money that are donated to political campaigns. Check out the Federal Election Regulatory Commission's website for information.
  • Should corporations be treated as individuals regarding being allowed to donate to political campaigns?  Look at the 2010 Citizens United v. FEC ruling on the issue. Defend your answer. 
  • Explain the role of social media in connecting interest groups that have grown stronger as the major political parties have grown weaker. 
  • Explain why the media has been called the fourth branch of government. Include your opinion on whether this is an accurate portrayal.
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  • Explain how executive orders have been used by presidents throughout the history of the U.S. What is the number of executive orders issued by the current president?
  • In your opinion, which of the three branches of the federal government has the most power? Defend your answer.
  • Which of the rights guaranteed by the First Amendment do you consider the most important? Explain your answer. 
  • Should a school be required to get a warrant before searching a student's property? Defend your answer. 
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  • Explain how the 14th Amendment has affected civil liberties in the United States from the time of its passage at the end of the Civil War.
  • Do you think that the federal government has enough, too much or just the right amount of power? Defend your answer.
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Essays on Contemporary American Politics

Essays on Contemporary American Politics

In contrast to most of modern American political history, partisan control of our national elective institutions has been unusually tenuous during the past several decades. This essay series argues that the ideologically sorted parties that contest elections today face strong internal pressures to overreach, by which I mean emphasizing issues and advocating positions strongly supported by the party base but which cause the marginal members of their electoral coalitions to defect. Thus, electoral losses predictably follow electoral victories. Institutional control is fleeting. The first group of essays describes the contemporary American electorate. Despite myriad claims to the contrary, the data show that the electorate is no more polarized now than it was in the later decades of the twentieth century. What has happened is that the parties have sorted so that each party is more homogeneous than in the twentieth century; liberal Republicans and conservative Democrats have largely passed from the political scene. The muddled middle is as large as ever but has no home in either party. The growth in the proportion of self-identified independents may be a reflection of the limited appeal of today’s sorted parties. The second group of essays develops the overreach argument, discusses the role of independents as the marginal members of an electoral majority, and explains how party sorting produces less split-ticket voting. Rather than most voters being more set in their partisan allegiances than a generation ago, they may simply have less reason to split their tickets when almost all Democratic candidates are liberals and all Republican candidates are conservatives. The third group of essays embeds contemporary American politics in two other contexts. First, in a comparative context, developments in the European democracies are the mirror image of those in the United States: the major European parties have depolarized or de-sorted or both, whereas their national electorates show little change. The rise of anti-immigrant parties may have some as yet not well-understood role in these developments. Second, in a historical context, the instability of American majorities today resembles that of the late nineteenth century, when similar significant social and economic changes were occurring. A final postelection essay will wrap up the series.

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Unstable Majorities

Unstable Majorities

The American public is not as polarized as pundits say. In Unstable Majorities Morris P. Fiorina confronts one of the most commonly held assumptions in contemporary American politics: which is that voters are now more polarized than ever. Bringing research and historical context to his discussion of the American electorate and its voting patterns, he corrects misconceptions about polarization, voter behavior, and political parties, arguing that party sorting—not polarization—is the key to understanding our current political turbulence.

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A Powerful Model to Strengthen U.S. Democracy

Participatory Exhibition "Might and Millions

I n a famous passage, the 19th-century French philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville proposed a link between the love of material gratification and the loss of political freedom. Taking Americans as one instance of a general point, he wrote: “It is not necessary to do violence to such a people in order to strip them of the rights they enjoy; they themselves willingly loosen their hold. The discharge of political duties appears to them to be a troublesome impediment which diverts them from their occupations and business.”

When most people become “engrossed by private concerns,” he argued, it’s common to see a multitude represented by a tiny minority who “speak in the name of an absent or inattentive crowd.” Only later, after these few become tyrannical and capricious, changing laws and manners, do people “wonder to see into how small a number of weak and worthless hands a great people may fall…”

Many cabals of powerful elites have recently been proposed as the owners of the “weak and worthless hands” that rule American politics: tech executives, financiers, executives at Fox News, editors at the New York Times, and basically every member of the House and Senate, to name just a few. Such claims have varying degrees of plausibility, but Tocqueville’s analysis encourages a more self-critical question: does our own absorption in private affairs also enable the political misdeeds of the few?

Ordinary citizens who neglect the political are not as guilty of undermining democracy as plutocrats who fund and control legislators. But Tocqueville’s argument does suggest that transcending our political morass will require not just curtailing the extreme power of a few special interests, but also a broader transformation of our own political habits and sensibilities, so that more of us dwell less on private affairs at the expense of public ones. 

It's easy to find signs of American disengagement from the public sphere. Though voting-age population turnout surged in the 2020 election, it remains below levels in dozens of other countries with developed economies and democratic traditions. A 2022 survey of young Americans found that “few are excited to join the government themselves…signing a petition was more likely to be viewed as impactful than working in government.” Even people earning graduate degrees in public policy have become less likely to take government jobs. 

It’s also easy to find commencement speeches, t-shirts, yard signs, tweets, and op-eds decrying these trends and proclaiming some variation on the theme that democracy is not a spectator sport. If democratic engagement consisted only of signaling one’s views via yard signs, T-shirts, and social media posts, America would have a strong and healthy political culture. In reality, measures of partisan antipathy have more than doubled in the last 30 years, with significant numbers of both Democrats and Republicans perceiving the views of the opposing party as “so misguided that they threaten the nation’s well-being.” Those most involved in the political process are also the most politically polarized.

In short, not enough people are engaging in the political sphere in functional and healthy ways, and many of those most engaged become most polarized. 

Changing this state of affairs would require giving more people a greater number of meaningful ways to engage in democratic deliberation without further polarizing them. Rather than designing such a system from scratch, it's useful to explore effective models that already exist and ask what makes them work. Two in particular merit close attention: participatory budgeting and worker-owned cooperatives. At their best, both structures, one in the public sector and one in the private, can function as schools of democratic engagement, building essential civic habits and skills. 

Since it began in the Brazilian city of Porto Alegre in 1989, participatory budgeting has been implemented in some form in thousands of cities around the world. The basic premise is simple: people’s tax dollars are the source of much public funding, so they should also get a direct say over how public budgets are spent. In reality, most participatory budgeting programs are quite limited. Few people participate, the budget over which they have influence is small, and the types of projects they can implement are highly restricted. 

In some places, however, the model’s full potential can be seen. One of these is Cascais, a city of just over 200,000 people near Lisbon, Portugal. Since launching participatory budgeting in 2011, the city has spent tens of millions of euros through the process. Ordinary people in Cascais have proposed, campaigned for, and voted on a huge range of projects, from new engines for firefighters to skate parks for teenagers. Unlike in many other cities, roughly 15% of the annual investment budget is allocated through the process, and voter turnout is exceptionally high. One year, more people voted in the participatory budget process than in the city elections. Direct democracy, when done right, is very popular.

Cascais also offers some nuanced lessons on that crucial caveat "when done right." One key feature is that people proposing ideas must appear in person at public sessions and sit with other residents, trying to persuade them why a certain project or program is valuable. Skilled moderators keep these conversations focused and civil, clever voting rules encourage people to form broad coalitions, not just support their own projects, and an efficient staff vets ideas for feasibility and executes winning ones swiftly, so that people trust the process. There's also an extensive PB program in public schools.

Worker-owned cooperatives also show the power of direct democratic models. In their most expansive forms, workers vote directly on matters of compensation, culture, and strategy, shaping the nature and profitability of their workplace. The pay ratios between senior leadership and entry-level workers at such businesses tend to be much smaller than at conventional ones. Thousands of such businesses already exist around the world, suggesting that they are not invariably at a competitive disadvantage. Indeed, some research suggests that they are more competitive; workers who share in economic upside and enjoy genuine influence can be quite motivated.

Extending democratic principles into the workplace lets businesses more closely embody fundamental, cross-cultural human perceptions about fairness. In one fascinating study, researchers asked people in various countries what they thought the compensation gap between executives and workers was and what they thought it should be. The numbers varied by country, but a pattern emerged: people typically guessed the ratio was smaller than it really is, and they thought that it should be even smaller than their estimates. In America, for instance, people estimated that the ratio was 30:1, whereas it’s actually over 300:1. Their ideal ratio was 7:1. This suggests a rarely appreciated way to limit exploding wealth inequality: give workers direct say over how much they and others at their companies get paid.

A final benefit of both participatory budgeting and worker ownership is their bipartisan appeal. The mayor of Cascais is from a conservative political party. Worker ownership models such as ESOPs – employee stock ownership programs – have also won support from a broad range of Republican and Democratic senators alike.

Tocqueville’s remedy for the disturbing dynamic he identified was education: “the time is fast approaching when freedom, public peace, and social order itself will not be able to exist without education.” The places where we work and live are also sites of education: running cities, neighborhoods, businesses, and companies according to the principles of direct democracy would convert more of the world into just the schools of civics we desperately need.

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  • Declaration of Independence Independence Day, also known as "the Fourth of July," celebrates our Declaration of Independence from the British Empire in 1776.
  • The Constitution of the United States Written in 1787, ratified in 1788, and in operation since 1789, the U.S. Constitution is the world's longest surviving written charter of government.
  • Federalist Papers "Written in favour of the New Constitution" (in 1787 and 1788), the Federalist Papers explores how the American government might operate.
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political system , the set of formal legal institutions that constitute a “government” or a “ state .” This is the definition adopted by many studies of the legal or constitutional arrangements of advanced political orders. More broadly defined, however, the term comprehends actual as well as prescribed forms of political behaviour, not only the legal organization of the state but also the reality of how the state functions. Still more broadly defined, the political system is seen as a set of “processes of interaction” or as a subsystem of the social system interacting with other nonpolitical subsystems, such as the economic system . This points to the importance of informal sociopolitical processes and emphasizes the study of political development.

Traditional legal or constitutional analysis, using the first definition, has produced a huge body of literature on governmental structures, many of the specialized terms that are a part of the traditional vocabulary of political science , and several instructive classifying schemes. Similarly, empirical analysis of political processes and the effort to identify the underlying realities of governmental forms have yielded a rich store of data and an important body of comparative theory. The third definition has inspired much scholarly work that employs new kinds of data, new terms, and some new concepts and categories of analysis. The discussion that follows draws on all three approaches to the study of political systems.

Political Parties in the United States Essay

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The two-party system in the United States has been historically dominant for a variety of reasons. Firstly, most prominent political issues in the United States, starting with the ratification of the U.S. Constitution, typically had two sides to them, lending themselves to the two-party split (Harrison 281). Secondly, the two-party system has been fueled by the winner-take-all nature of the elections in the U.S., as opposed to the proportional representation system present in many other countries (Harrison 282). Thirdly, the election system has been created by the members of the two dominant parties, which makes it difficult for any third-party candidate to gain traction (Harrison 284). These can be summed up as the main reasons for the historical prevalence of the two-party system.

A certain argument can be made regarding whether there is currently a sixth-party system. The fifth-party system is said to have ended in 1968 with the election of Richard Nixon (Harrison 277). The previous party systems have been characterized by the dominance of one party over the other. In comparison, the main aspects of the post-Nixon election period are “intense party competition” and “a divided government” (Harrison 277). These distinctions could indicate that there is currently a sixth-party system.

The new developments in technology have notably shifted the political landscape in the U.S. Both parties employ big data to gather information about the attitudes of their voters in order to better potential target supporters (Harrison 291). Moreover, with the parties making an effort to communicate with the population via social media and mobile apps, the focus of political networking seems to have shifted to these new channels (Harrison 291). These are the changes in how the parties interact with their constituents.

Recent polls have shown low approval for President Joe Biden. Certain “fundamentalists” have claimed that based on these findings and other fundamentals, such as previous election results, the most likely outcome of the Congress elections would be a Democratic loss (Silver). However, despite being based on statistics, this approach has several flaws. Although certain Democrats disapprove of Biden (The Economist), it is unlikely that they would vote for Republicans in Congress (Silver). Moreover, other statistical evidence points out that “presidential approval and the race for Congress have diverged, not converged” (Silver). These are the main reasons why “fundamentalists” could be right or wrong regarding their prediction.

Works Cited

Harrison, Brigid C., et al. American Democracy Now . 6th ed., McGraw-Hill Education, 2019.

Silver, Nate. “ Biden Is Very Unpopular. It May Not Tell Us Much about the Midterms. ” FiveThirtyEight , 2022. Web.

“Why Young Democrats Disapprove of Joe Biden.” The Economist , 2022. Web.

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Vices of the political system of the united states, april 1787, vices of the political system of the united states, editorial note.

Long before the deputies assembled at Philadelphia in May 1787, JM had begun mentally “to revolve the subject” to be discussed at the Federal Convention ( JM to Washington, 16 Apr. 1787 ). No other delegate came to that historic meeting so well prepared as JM, ready to confront the complex problems of establishing an energetic national government based on republican principles. His many years of public service on both the state and continental level had provided JM with an unrivaled knowledge of American affairs. Yet what distinguished JM from his fellow delegates, apart from his superior intellectual gifts, was not so much his firsthand experience in public life—extensive though it was—as his diligent effort to apply to that experience a scholarly study of the principles of government. Blending “together the profound politician, with the Scholar,” JM took the lead on nearly every great question at the convention and consistently came forward as “the best informed Man of any point in debate” (William Pierce, “Character Sketches of Delegates to the Federal Convention,” in Farrand, Records of the Federal Convention , III, 94).

JM’s intellectual preparation for the Federal Convention had begun at the College of New Jersey, where he imbibed the ideas and principles of the Scottish Enlightenment under the tutelage of Dr. Witherspoon. But not until 1786 did he undertake a systematic course of reading in political history with the apparent purpose of applying his learning to the problems besetting the American Confederation. The result was JM’s Notes on Ancient and Modern Confederacies , prepared in the spring of 1786, many months before he knew there would be a convention at Philadelphia. In the spring of 1787 he followed this study with another memorandum, Vices of the Political System of the United States. In addition, his letters to Jefferson (19 Mar. 1787) , Randolph (8 Apr. 1787) , and Washington (16 Apr. 1787) contained “the first shoot in his thoughts of a plan of Federal Government” (Adair, ed., “James Madison’s Autobiography,” WMQ description begins William and Mary Quarterly. description ends , 3d ser., II [1945], 202). These letters were the basis of those resolutions submitted by Governor Randolph to the convention on 29 May 1787 which became known in history as the Virginia Plan. Indeed, many of the ideas and supporting facts that JM put forward in his speeches at Philadelphia, his numbers of The Federalist , and his speeches at the Virginia ratifying convention were but an extension and refinement of the research and insights embodied in the memorandums and letters he wrote before the Philadelphia meeting. The period between the spring of 1786 and the spring of 1787 was perhaps the most creative and productive year of JM’s career as a political thinker.

Although (according to the docket on the Ms ) JM wrote Vices of the Political System in April, he probably worked on it intermittently from the time he returned to Congress in February. He apparently left his observations unfinished, for there is a blank space opposite the last vice in his list. As the title suggests, this memorandum was a logical complement to JM’s previous studies of ancient and modern confederacies, to each of which (excepting the Lycian Confederacy) he had appended a section entitled “Vices of the Constitution.” The two memorandums are different in style and structure, however. The earlier work is a heavily annotated series of fragmentary and incomplete notes based on a distillation of ancient and modern history. The analysis of the American federal system has more the quality of a polished essay, in which JM blended together personal experience and theory in masterful fashion.

Among the vices of the American political system, JM included the impotence of the Confederation government: its inability to collect requisitions and to prevent the states from encroaching on its authority, violating treaties, and violating the rights of each other; its lack of control over commerce; and in general its lack of coercive power. Yet the dominant theme of Vices of the Political System was not the structural defects of the Articles of Confederation; the emphasis was rather on the deficiencies and derelictions of the state governments. More than half the work was devoted to the “multiplicity,” “mutability,” and “injustice” of the laws of the states. “The evils issuing from these sources,” JM remarked to Jefferson after the convention, “contributed more to that uneasiness which produced the Convention, and prepared the public mind for a general reform, than those which accrued to our national character and interest from the inadequacy of the Confederation to its immediate objects” ( JM to Jefferson, 24 Oct. 1787 , Boyd, Papers of Jefferson description begins Julian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson (19 vols. to date; Princeton, N. J., 1950——). description ends , XII, 276). JM’s chief concern was the unrestricted power of majorities in state legislatures to pass laws that violated the rights of individuals and minorities. Thus the great task of reform in his view was both to strengthen the national government and to provide “justice” for private individuals (see Edward S. Corwin, “The Progress of Constitutional Theory between the Declaration of Independence and the Meeting of the Philadelphia Convention,” AHR description begins American Historical Review. description ends , XXX [1924–25], 512–13, 533–36).

It was JM’s lasting contribution to the work of the Federal Convention to base the argument for an invigorated national government on the greater security it would afford to private rights. He arrived at this conclusion in his discussion of the “Injustice of the laws of the States,” the longest and most theoretical section of Vices of the Political System. Here he brought “into question the fundamental principle of republican Government, that the majority who rule in such Governments, are the safest Guardians both of public Good and of private rights.” It was the inexorable tendency of majorities, he observed, to tyrannize over minorities. Yet this oppression, he added, was more likely to occur in a small political unit, such as a town or a state. On the other hand, the rigors of majority rule could be mitigated by extending the sphere of government to include a multitude of factions and interests that would constantly check each other. In this situation “a common interest or passion” would less easily be felt, and the “requisite combinations” less easily formed, than in a constricted geographical area. Logically, then, a republican government which would effectively protect minority rights could operate only over a large territory. These ideas, so “contrary to the prevailing Theory,” remained only partly developed in Vices of the Political System; a full treatment would come in JM’s letter to Jefferson of 24 Oct. 1787 and in numbers 10 and 51 of The Federalist ( Boyd, Papers of Jefferson description begins Julian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson (19 vols. to date; Princeton, N. J., 1950——). description ends , XII, 276–79; The Federalist [Cooke ed.], pp. 63–65, 351–53).

The problem of reform was thus reduced to a single question: how could the American system of government be transformed into one extended republic? The present system did not qualify, for it was merely a league of thirteen independent republics, in which the vicious effects of majority factionalism could not be effectively controlled. In the system he proposed, sovereignty would be securely lodged in the general government, which would operate over individuals instead of through the intermediary states. The general government would have additional positive powers, including the regulation of trade and the power to tax both imports and exports. A government of expanded powers would have to be divided into separate departments: a national executive and judiciary, as well as a national legislature. Moreover, the principle of representation would have to be changed so that a vote of Delaware or Rhode Island would not have “the same effect and value” as one from Virginia or Massachusetts ( JM to Washington, 16 Apr. 1787 ). Ratification of the new instrument of government by the people would establish an authority “clearly paramount” to that of the state legislatures ( JM to Jefferson, 19 Mar. 1787 ).

Of all the changes JM proposed in his sketch of a new system of government none was of greater significance than the power to be given the central government to negative state laws “ in all cases whatsoever ,” the prerogative held by the king of Great Britain over the legislation of the former colonies ( JM to Washington, 16 Apr. 1787 ). This federal veto was to be the foundation of the new system, the means by which thirteen independent states would become one indivisible sovereignty. JM regarded this proposition as “the least possible abridgement of the State Soveriegnties,” without which all the positive powers granted on paper would be “unavailing” ( JM to Randolph, 8 Apr. 1787 ). The absence of such a provision, he later told Jefferson, “seems to have been mortal to the antient confederacies, and to be the disease of the modern.” JM’s historical studies, confirmed by his own experience, had convinced him that the tendency of federal systems was “rather to anarchy among the members, than to tyranny in the head” ( The Federalist No. 18 [Cooke ed.], p. 117). From his perspective in 1787 this problem far outweighed the problem of controlling the central government. Yet JM consistently maintained that the purpose of the negative was not simply to reverse the trend toward anarchy. By establishing supremacy in a general government that would operate over an extended sphere, the negative would also have the “happy effect” of providing greater security for private and minority rights. The negative power would fulfill the “great desideratum” of government by acting as a disinterested & dispassionate umpire in disputes between different passions & interests in the State” ( JM to Washington, 16 Apr. 1787 ). Convinced that a federal power to disallow state laws would serve the end of liberty and justice, JM was a persistent but unsuccessful advocate of such a control at the Federal Convention.

[April–June]

April. 1787
Vices of the Political system of the U. States Observations by J. M. (a copy taken by permission by Danl. Carroll & sent to Chs Carroll of Carrollton)
1. Failure of the States to comply with the Constitutional requisitions. 1. This evil has been so fully experienced both during the war and since the peace, results so naturally from the number and independent authority of the States and has been so uniformly examplified in every similar Confederacy, that it may be considered as not less radically and permanently inherent in, than it is fatal to the object of, the present System.
2. Encroachments by the States on the federal authority. 2. Examples of this are numerous and repetitions may be foreseen in almost every case where any favorite object of a State shall present a temptation. Among these examples are the wars and Treaties of Georgia with the Indians—The unlicensed compacts between Virginia and Maryland, and between Pena. & N. Jersey—the troops raised and to be kept up by Massts.
3. Violations of the law of nations and of treaties. 3. From the number of Legislatures, the sphere of life from which most of their members are taken, and the circumstances under which their legislative business is carried on, irregularities of this kind must frequently happen. Accordingly not a year has passed without instances of them in some one or other of the States. The Treaty of peace—the treaty with France—the treaty with Holland have each been violated. [See the complaints to Congress on these subjects]. The causes of these irregularities must necessarily produce frequent violations of the law of nations in other respects.
As yet foreign powers have not been rigorous in animadverting on us. This moderation however cannot be mistaken for a permanent partiality to our faults, or a permanent security agst. those disputes with other nations, which being among the greatest of public calamities, it ought to be least in the power of any part of the Community to bring on the whole.
4. Trespasses of the States on the rights of each other. 4. These are alarming symptoms, and may be daily apprehended as we are admonished by daily experience. See the law of Virginia restricting foreign vessels to certain ports—of Maryland in favor of vessels belonging to her own citizens—of N. York in favor of the same.
Paper money, instalments of debts, occlusion of Courts, making property a legal tender, may likewise be deemed aggressions on the rights of other States. As the Citizens of every State aggregately taken stand more or less in the relation of Creditors or debtors, to the Citizens of every other States, Acts of the debtor State in favor of debtors, affect the Creditor State, in the same manner, as they do its own citizens who are relatively creditors towards other citizens. This remark may be extended to foreign nations. If the exclusive regulation of the value and alloy of coin was properly delegated to the federal authority, the policy of it equally requires a controul on the States in the cases above mentioned. It must have been meant 1. to preserve uniformity in the circulating medium throughout the nation. 2. to prevent those frauds on the citizens of other States, and the subjects of foreign powers, which might disturb the tranquility at home, or involve the Union in foreign contests.
The practice of many States in restricting the commercial intercourse with other States, and putting their productions and manufactures on the same footing with those of foreign nations, though not contrary to the federal articles, is certainly adverse to the spirit of the Union, and tends to beget retaliating regulations, not less expensive & vexatious in themselves, than they are destructive of the general harmony.
5. want of concert in matters where common interest requires it. 5. This defect is strongly illustrated in the state of our commercial affairs. How much has the national dignity, interest, and revenue suffered from this cause? Instances of inferior moment are the want of uniformity in the laws concerning naturalization & literary property; of provision for national seminaries, for grants of incorporation for national purposes, for canals and other works of general utility, wch. may at present be defeated by the perverseness of particular States whose concurrence is necessary.
6. want of Guaranty to the States of their Constitutions & laws against internal violence. 6. The confederation is silent on this point and therefore by the second article the hands of the federal authority are tied. According to Republican Theory, Right and power being both vested in the majority, are held to be synonimous. According to fact and experience a minority may in an appeal to force, be an overmatch for the majority. 1. If the minority happen to include all such as possess the skill and habits of military life, & such as possess the great pecuniary resources, one third only may conquer the remaining two thirds. 2. One third of those who participate in the choice of the rulers, may be rendered a majority by the accession of those whose poverty excludes them from a right of suffrage, and who for obvious reasons will be more likely to join the standard of sedition than that of the established Government. 3. Where slavery exists the republican Theory becomes still more fallacious.
7. want of sanction to the laws, and of coercion in the Government of the Confederacy. 7. A sanction is essential to the idea of law, as coercion is to that of Government. The federal system being destitute of both, wants the great vital principles of a Political Cons[ti]tution. Under the form of such a Constitution, it is in fact nothing more than a treaty of amity of commerce and of alliance, between so many independent and Sovereign States. From what cause could so fatal an omission have happened in the articles of Confederation? from a mistaken confidence that the justice, the good faith, the honor, the sound policy, of the several legislative assemblies would render superfluous any appeal to the ordinary motives by which the laws secure the obedience of individuals: a confidence which does honor to the enthusiastic virtue of the compilers, as much as the inexperience of the crisis apologizes for their errors. The time which has since elapsed has had the double effect, of increasing the light and tempering the warmth, with which the arduous work may be revised. It is no longer doubted that a unanimous and punctual obedience of 13 independent bodies, to the acts of the federal Government, ought not be calculated on. Even during the war, when external danger supplied in some degree the defect of legal & coercive sanctions, how imperfectly did the States fulfil their obligations to the Union? In time of peace, we see already what is to be expected. How indeed could it be otherwise? In the first place, Every general act of the Union must necessarily bear unequally hard on some particular member or members of it. Secondly the partiality of the members to their own interests and rights, a partiality which will be fostered by the Courtiers of popularity, will naturally exaggerate the inequality where it exists, and even suspect it where it has no existence. Thirdly a distrust of the voluntary compliance of each other may prevent the compliance of any, although it should be the latent disposition of all. Here are causes & pretexts which will never fail to render federal measures abortive. If the laws of the States, were merely recommendatory to their citizens, or if they were to be rejudged by County authorities, what security, what probability would exist, that they would be carried into execution? Is the security or probability greater in favor of the acts of Congs. which depending for their execution on the will of the state legislatures, wch. are tho’ nominally authoritative, in fact recommendatory only.
8. Want of ratification by the people of the articles of Confederation. 8. In some of the States the Confederation is recognized by, and forms a part of the constitution. In others however it has received no other sanction than that of the Legislative authority. From this defect two evils result: 1. Whenever a law of a State happens to be repugnant to an act of Congress, particularly when the latter is of posterior date to the former, it will be at least questionable whether the latter must not prevail; and as the question must be decided by the Tribunals of the State, they will be most likely to lean on the side of the State.
2. As far as the Union of the States is to be regarded as a league of sovereign powers, and not as a political Constitution by virtue of which they are become one sovereign power, so far it seems to follow from the doctrine of compacts, that a breach of any of the articles of the confederation by any of the parties to it, absolves the other parties from their respective obligations, and gives them a right if they chuse to exert it, of dissolving the Union altogether.
9. Multiplicity of laws in the several States. 9. In developing the evils which viciate the political system of the U. S. it is proper to include those which are found within the States individually, as well as those which directly affect the States collectively, since the former class have an indirect influence on the general malady and must not be overlooked in forming a compleat remedy. Among the evils then of our situation may well be ranked the multiplicity of laws from which no State is exempt. As far as laws are necessary, to mark with precision the duties of those who are to obey them, and to take from those who are to administer them a discretion, which might be abused, their number is the price of liberty. As far as the laws exceed this limit, they are a nusance: a nusance of the most pestilent kind. Try the Codes of the several States by this test, and what a luxuriancy of legislation do they present. The short period of independency has filled as many pages as the century which preceded it. Every year, almost every session, adds a new volume. This may be the effect in part, but it can only be in part, of the situation in which the revolution has placed us. A review of the several codes will shew that every necessary and useful part of the least voluminous of them might be compressed into one tenth of the compass, and at the same time be rendered tenfold as perspicuous.
10. mutability of the laws of the States. 10. This evil is intimately connected with the former yet deserves a distinct notice as it emphatically denotes a vicious legislation. We daily see laws repealed or superseded, before any trial can have been made of their merits; and even before a knowledge of them can have reached the remoter districts within which they were to operate. In the regulations of trade this instability becomes a snare not only to our citizens but to foreigners also.
11. Injustice of the laws of States. 11. If the multiplicity and mutability of laws prove a want of wisdom, their injustice betrays a defect still more alarming: more alarming not merely because it is a greater evil in itself, but because it brings more into question the fundamental principle of republican Government, that the majority who rule in such Governments, are the safest Guardians both of public Good and of private rights. To what causes is this evil to be ascribed?
These causes lie 1. in the Representative bodies.
2. in the people themselves.

Ms ( DLC ); Tr ( NN ). Ms in JM’s hand. Tr in hand of Joel Barlow, “copied at Monticello—25 Sepr. 1808.” The editors have not noted JM’s minor stylistic alterations, which appear to be contemporaneous with the time of writing. Several underlinings and braces in the Ms added at a later time by one or more unknown persons have not been noted here.

1 .  JM added “by J.M.” and the parenthetical note at a later time. Daniel Carroll attended the Federal Convention as a delegate from Maryland and may have made his copy at that time.

2 .  JM placed a fistnote ☞ in the left margin opposite this sentence.

3 .  JM’s brackets. JM placed a fistnote ☞ in the left margin opposite this sentence.

4 .  Each state under Article II of the Articles of Confederation retained “its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right … not expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress Assembled.” Alarmed by Shays’s uprising and rumors of monarchy, JM and his colleagues at Philadelphia were careful to include a “guarantee” clause (Art. IV, Sec. 4) in the new Constitution. See William M. Wiecek, The Guarantee Clause of the U.S. Constitution (Ithaca, 1972), pp. 11–62.

5 .  JM placed a fistnote ☞ in the left margin opposite this sentence.

6 .  JM placed a fistnote ☞ in the left margin opposite this sentence.

7 .  JM placed a fistnote ☞ in the left margin opposite this sentence.

8 .  Someone other than JM tampered with this sentence by interlining “former” where JM wrote “latter” and “latter” where JM wrote “former.” Barlow’s copy follows JM’s wording, as does the version of Vices in Madison, Letters (Cong. ed.) description begins [William C. Rives and Philip R. Fendall, eds.], Letters and Other Writings of James Madison (published by order of Congress; 4 vols.; Philadelphia, 1865). description ends , I, 323. Hunt (Madison, Writings , II, 365) put the interlineations in brackets.

9 .  JM deleted “of sections” at this point.

10 .  JM would expand his theory of the extended republic in his letter to Jefferson of 24 Oct. 1787 and in The Federalist , numbers 10 and 51 ([Cooke ed.], pp. 56–65, 347–53). For David Hume’s influence on JM in formulating this theory, see Douglass Adair, “‘That Politics May Be Reduced to a Science’: David Hume, James Madison, and the Tenth Federalist ,” Huntington Library Quarterly , XX (1957), 343–60. It is perhaps indicative of JM’s optimism that he was able to proclaim this theory, in which he tended to minimize the dangers of “interested” majorities forming in an enlarged sphere of government, at the height of the sectional controversy over the navigation of the Mississippi River. Indeed, one of his earliest philosophical reflections on the baneful effects of strict majority rule arose precisely over this issue (see JM to Monroe, 5 Oct. 1786 ). To be sure, no action had been taken under Jay’s revised instructions, and by April 1787 JM was hopeful that the Mississippi issue was dormant. As the debate over the Constitution would show, many of JM’s fellow Southerners did not share his complacency. Nor did a later generation of Southerners, feeling themselves an oppressed minority, find much comfort in JM’s theory.

11 .  At a later time someone other than JM interlined “[governing power]” at this point.

12 .  Barlow wrote on his copy, “That here finish Mr. Madison’s observations, which I regret.” Earlier printed versions of this memorandum give a misleading impression of completeness by excluding the last “vice” in JM’s list, for which he prepared no commentary.

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  • Political Science

The American Political System

Updated 13 November 2023

Subject Political Science

Downloads 42

Category Government

To Understand the United States Political System

To understand any country's political system, it is significant to know the past information about the nation, and it is fundamental to the establishment of the old constitution. The government structure of the United States is diverse, and it has been in existence for over two centuries now. Ultimately, this paper explains the old system of the American politics.

A Unique Governance Structure

The United States is an influential country in the world not only in the political arena but also in diplomacy, economic stability, and defense. Mainly, America's governance structure is unique in the globe. Both the youth and adults understand well the political system. Therefore, most Americans are aware and comprehend slight details on the governance structure of their nation.

The Federalist Union

The Federalist Union was the pioneer of the American political system and arose since the beginning of the 1790s to 1816. Alexander Hamilton led the union as an Administrator of the funds and principal planner of George Washington's government. The Federalists commanded a stable country regime that supported wealth creation development. An Independent Democrat Union (IDU) was an American governance union created by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison in 1791 to 1793 to bring down the unifying strategies of the current Federalist Union. Although different movements were suddenly replaced by two political parties which are the Democrats and the Republicans, the aftermath of this is still in existence up-to-date. The fundamental governance is divided among the proponents of an opposition regime and those who support the supremacy of the central government, customarily headed by the Self-ruled Union and the Antiroyalist Union.

Party Eras in American Politics

The Hamilton's Federalists together with Jefferson's ascendancy toward the president Eras enjoyed the First Party Era and the Second Era respectively. The critical elections conducted arouse the party Eras in every place. For example, the Hamilton's Federalist was knocked out through elections in 1800 revolution in America while the Jeffersonian Democratic-Republicans took control of the real politics found in the US. The political parties seen in the US are harsh in a way, but they aim at helping an individual's voice being heard by those in power.

Influence of the Self-rule and Democrat Unions

At some length, a wide range it is peculiar to self-rule nations. The American governance structure is influenced by both governance unions, namely, the Self-rule Union and the Democrat Union. The two are perceived as the Outstanding Ancient Unions (OAU). They are the most ancient and are such steady unions, the Self-rules dates from 1824 while the Democrat Union started in 1854. In demonstrations and advertising posters, the Self-rule Union is shown as a big animal. The source of these trademarks is the governance artist Thomas Nast who developed them between 1870 and 1874 accordingly.

Misconceptions in the United States Political System

In summary, today, Americans no longer believe in their political architecture as individuals all over the globe inquire about the unchanging pre-eminence of the United States as the dominant world influence. In every government system, there is a misconception when it comes to the prescribed procedure as designed in the composition and related regulations and the casual process as it happens physically. In the United States, it is said that this misconception is more pronounced than in some self-governing structures since the United States composition is ancient on its own, which has been there over two decades ago, while numerous nations have got some writing with the recent one being commonly formed less than a decade ago.

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Americans’ Dismal Views of the Nation’s Politics

2. views of the u.s. political system, the federal government and federal-state relations, table of contents.

  • The impact of partisan polarization
  • Persistent concerns over money in politics
  • Views of the parties and possible changes to the two-party system
  • Other important findings
  • Explore chapters of this report
  • In their own words: Americans on the political system’s biggest problems
  • In their own words: Americans on the political system’s biggest strengths
  • Are there clear solutions to the nation’s problems?
  • Evaluations of the political system
  • Trust in the federal government
  • Feelings toward the federal government
  • The relationship between the federal and state governments
  • Americans’ ratings of their House member, governor and local officials
  • Party favorability ratings
  • Most characterize their party positively
  • Quality of the parties’ ideas
  • Influence in congressional decision-making
  • Views on limiting the role of money in politics
  • Views on what kinds of activities can change the country for the better
  • How much can voting affect the future direction of the country?
  • Views of members of Congress
  • In their own words: Americans’ views of the major problems with today’s elected officials
  • How much do elected officials care about people like me?
  • What motivates people to run for office?
  • Quality of recent political candidates
  • In elections, is there usually at least one candidate who shares your views?
  • What the public sees as most important in political candidates
  • Impressions of the people who will be running for president in 2024
  • Views about presidential campaigns
  • How much of an impact does who is president have on your life?
  • Whose priorities should the president focus on?
  • How different are the Republican and Democratic parties?
  • Views of how well the parties represent people’s interests
  • What if there were more political parties?
  • Would more parties make solving problems easier or harder?
  • How likely is it that an independent candidate will become president?
  • Americans who feel unrepresented by the parties have highly negative views of the political system
  • Views of the Electoral College
  • Should the size of the U.S. House of Representatives change?
  • Senate seats and population size
  • Younger adults more supportive of structural changes
  • Politics in a single word or phrase: An outpouring of negative sentiments
  • Negative emotions prevail when Americans think about politics
  • Americans say the tone of political debate in the country has worsened
  • Which political topics get too much – and too little – attention?
  • Majority of Americans find it stressful to talk politics with people they disagree with
  • Acknowledgments

In evaluating the current and future state of politics in the United States, Americans express largely negative views. And trust in the federal government, which has been low for nearly two decades, hovers near record lows.

Only 4% of Americans now say the political system is working extremely or very well, with nearly three-quarters saying it isn’t. A majority (63%) say they have little or no confidence in the future of the U.S. political system.

Views of Congress , the Supreme Court and the political parties also remain deeply – and in some cases, historically – negative.

Meanwhile, there are wide partisan differences in views of several aspects of federal-state relations. Democrats are far more likely than Republicans to say they are very or extremely concerned that a person’s rights and protections might vary depending on which state they are in.

By contrast, a much larger share of Republicans than Democrats express concern that the federal government is doing too much on issues better left to state governments.

Only 4% of the public says the political system in the U.S. is working extremely or very well today, while 23% say it is working somewhat well. About seven-in-ten (72%) say the system is working not too (45%) or not at all (27%) well.

Looking to the future of the system, about six-in-ten Americans (63%) say they have not too much or no confidence at all. A third say they have some confidence, and just 4% express a lot of confidence.

Chart shows few Americans say the U.S. political system is working very well today, and many lack confidence in its future

Younger adults are somewhat more likely than older adults to say the political system is working well: 35% of adults under age 30 say the system is working at least somewhat well, compared with 29% of those 30 to 49 and 24% of those 50 and older.

But older people are more likely to express confidence when it comes to the future of the U.S. political system. About four-in-ten adults 65 and older (43%) say they have at least some confidence in the future of the political system. That drops to three-in-ten among adults under 30.

Republicans are more likely than Democrats to express negative views of the political system.

Roughly eight-in-ten Republicans and Republican-leaning independents (81%) say the political system is working not too or not at all well, including more than a third (37%) who say it is working not at all well. Among Democrats and Democratic leaners, 64% say the political system is working either not too or not at all well, with 19% saying it is not working well at all.

Older Republicans are particularly likely to say the system is not working well: 88% of Republicans 50 and older say this, compared with 77% of those 30 to 49 and 61% of those under 30. Democrats do not differ by age on this question.

Republicans also express less confidence in the future of the U.S. political system: 68% of Republicans and 56% of Democrats say they have not too much or no confidence at all in its future. While Republicans of all age groups are about equally likely to have confidence in the political system’s future (31% have a lot of or some confidence), older Democrats are more likely to say this than younger Democrats. A majority of Democrats 50 and older (54%) say they have at least some confidence, compared with 37% of those under 50.

Chart shows public trust in the federal government near record low

Just 16% of Americans say they trust the government in Washington to do the right thing just about always or most of the time. While public trust in government has been low for nearly two decades, the current measure is among the lowest in more than 70 years of polling.

Trust in the federal government is down 4 percentage points from last year and was somewhat higher in 2020 and 2021. The current measure is on par with public views in 2019.

For more on trust in the federal government over the last 70 years, please visit our trust interactive .

Trust in government by party

As in the past, trust in government is higher among those whose party holds the presidency. Today, a quarter of Democrats say they trust the government to do what is right at least most of the time, compared with just 8% of Republicans.

Democrats’ trust in government is now substantially higher than it was during the Trump administration but is down 8 points from the spring of 2021. In contrast, Republicans’ trust in government dropped between 2020 and 2021 but has changed little over the last few years.

Chart shows partisan trust in government shifts with control of the White House but remains lower in both parties than it was last century

Republicans’ current level of trust in the federal government is among the lowest since the question was first asked in the 1950s. Prior to Joe Biden’s presidency, GOP trust in government had only hit similar lows during the Obama administration.

Chart shows Americans continue to express frustration, more than anger or contentment, with the federal government

As has been the case for more than a decade, a majority of Americans (59%) say they feel frustrated toward the federal government. About two-in-ten (21%) say they feel angry toward the government, while 18% say they are basically content.

These views have changed only modestly in recent years. A slightly higher share express anger today than did so last year and the year before. Anger is now slightly lower than it was in the summer of 2020.

Feelings about the federal government by party

The share of Democrats and Democratic leaners saying they are basically content with the government is similar to the share who said the same a year ago (27% today, 29% then). In 2021, Democrats were 16 percentage points more likely to say they felt content toward the government. Nearly two-thirds of Democrats (64%) express frustration toward the government, a share unchanged in the last year but 12 points higher than in 2021. The share of Democrats who say they are angry remains low – 9% say this today – but is up 5 points since 2021.

About a third of Republicans and Republican leaners (35%) say they feel angry toward the federal government, while 55% say they feel frustrated and just 9% say they feel content. These figures are largely unchanged in recent years.

Chart shows anger and contentment with the federal government shift with presidential administrations

Majority of Americans concerned rights and protections may be different in different states

Chart shows growing numbers, especially among Democrats, are concerned rights may vary from state to state

A majority of Americans (54%) now say they are extremely or very concerned that the rights and protections a person has might be different depending on which state they are in. About three-in-ten (29%) say they are somewhat concerned about this, while 16% are not too or not at all concerned.

The share reporting they are extremely or very concerned about this has risen 11 points since May of 2022.

Democrats are particularly likely to express concern that rights and protections may vary across states. Seven-in-ten Democrats now say they are extremely or very concerned about this, up from 53% a year ago.

Among Republicans, the share who say they are at least very concerned is up 6 points, from 33% to 39%.

Some concerned the federal government is doing too much that should be left to states

Chart shows about 6 in 10 Republicans are at least very concerned about the federal government doing too much

The share expressing concern about the federal government doing too much on issues better left to state governments has also risen over the past year: 41% now say they are extremely or very concerned about this, compared with 34% in May 2022.

Republicans express higher levels of concern than Democrats that the federal government is doing too much. Roughly six-in-ten Republicans (62%) are extremely or very concerned about this, compared with 22% of Democrats.

The share of Republicans who are at least very concerned is up 8 points in the past year, while the share of Democrats who say this has increased by 4 points.

Some concerned states are not willing enough to work with the federal government

Chart shows roughly 4 in 10 Americans are concerned about states being unwilling to work with the federal government

Overall, 41% of U.S. adults say they are extremely or very concerned about state governments not being willing enough to work with the federal government, up from 34% last year. Roughly a third (36%) say they are somewhat concerned about this, while 22% say they are not too or not at all concerned.

Democrats are more likely than Republicans to say they are concerned about state governments not being willing enough to work with the federal government: A majority of Democrats (54%) are extremely or very concerned about this. Just 27% of Republicans share that concern.

The share in each party who say they are at least very concerned about state governments’ unwillingness to work with the federal government has increased since 2022, by 9 points among Republicans and 6 points among Democrats.

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us political system essay

SLPA gets 14 EOIs from global players for Port Community System

Friday, 13 September 2024 00:28 -     - {{hitsCtrl.values.hits}}

  • Move aimed at digitalising trade for enhanced competitiveness

The Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) received 14 expressions from global players to implement a state-of-the-art, world-class Port Community System (PCS), a move that aims to jumpstart trade activities and improve ease-of-doing-business. Sources said this unprecedented response from global players signifies that Sri Lanka is well on its path to making its presence felt in global trade. The SLPA invited expressions of qualifications (EoQ) from interested parties to offer services in implementing the PCS. The EoQ was published after extensive studies and research carried out by the Asian Development Bank (ADB). The ADB submitted the National Ports Master Plan outlining the need for technology interventions and recommendations have been outlined in the said report. According to sources, EoQs have been received from players from leading port community systems technology services providers from countries such as India, the United Arab Emirates, the United States, Germany, France, Singapore, China, and so on. The interest shown by such international players, each bringing in successes from their respective implementations, coupled with the modernisation and digitalisation vision outlined by the Government and digital push provided by the SLPA, has set Sri Lanka on a path to reclaim its place in the international trade routes. The proposed PCS will consolidate on a common platform and address key business processes across EXIM trade such as vessel call management, coordinating port activities, manage disparate stakeholders including Customs by providing them the right data and the right time, manage electronic payments, yard management, gate management, etc. This allows for the entire trade to utilise a common data source with common terminology; an aspect that allows harmonising data and processes. Most importantly, the proposed PCS is expected to provide an architecture that allows integrating evolving technology solutions and services across the EXIM ecosystem, sources added.      

us political system essay

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  1. The American Political System

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  2. The American Political System: A Comprehensive Analysis

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    25 Topics. Compare and contrast what is a direct democracy versus representative democracy. React to the following statement: Democratic decision-making should be extended to all areas of life including schools, the workplace, and the government. Compare and contrast the Virginia and New Jersey plans. Explain how these led to the Great Compromise.

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  11. The American Political System Essay

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  12. PDF PSC 120: The American Political System DePaul ...

    PSC 120: The American Political System DePaul University, Winter 2020 Professor: Ben Epstein Class Tues. & Thurs. 11:20am - 12:50pm ... Multiple choice, identifications, and essay question(s). Only the essay(s) will be cumulative. Again, all readings and class materials are fair game. GRADING SCALE A 93 - 100 A- 90 - 92 B+ 87 - 89

  13. Key findings on Americans' views of U.S. political system and democracy

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  15. Foundations of American Political System

    The National Archives was established in 1934 by President Franklin Roosevelt is the nation's record keeper. Holdings date back to 1775 and include approximately 13.28 billion pages of textual records; 10 million maps, charts, and architectural and engineering drawings; 44.4 million still photographs, digital images, filmstrips, and graphics; 40 million aerial photographs; 563,000 reels of ...

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  18. Political eras of the United States

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  24. SLPA gets 14 EOIs from global players for Port Community System

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