Morphology
BVOC: Biogenic Volatile Organic Compounds.
By achieving these benchmarks, UGS site-specific performance in collaboration with the maintenance, support and enhancement of natural systems has proven to be an emerging indicator-based approach for the design and planning of compact cities. Well planned, maintained and designed compact cities have the potential to be both an environmentally sustainable and a liveable option [ 5 ]. However, the modern green city vision seems to make room only for park space, waterfront cafes and luxury ‘Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design’ certified buildings, prompting fear that there is no space for “sustainable” urban centres inclusive of industrial usages and the working class [ 74 ]. This modern vision can lead to negative social effects, for example, eco-gentrification can arise even when the primary motive in UGS provision addresses environmental injustice in its distribution [ 75 ]. Hence, the use of IGS has been proposed as an anti-gentrification strategy [ 76 ]. Furthermore, IGS is an emerging topic in urban greening research and plays a valuable role in providing a number of ecological and sociological benefits for urban residents [ 77 , 78 ]. IGS has no monetary cost of plant establishment or persistence and has the potential to improve human health and wellbeing and connect residents with nature [ 78 ].
Recently, South et al. [ 79 ] found the greening of vacant urban land, which includes the cleaning and greening of vacant lots via a standard, reproducible process of removing trash and debris, grading the land, planting new grass and a small number of trees, installing a low wooden perimeter fence with openings and performing regular maintenance, reduce self-reported poor mental health in community dwelling adults. In reference with the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals, “Goal 11: Make cities inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable”, UGS harmonises this by augmenting urban productivity, social development and liveability—directly affecting people and their ability to advance socially and economically. Consequentially, the cyclic relationship socioeconomics and sustainable practices live up to is reflective of societal advancement and willingness to pay attention to the quality of urban development and the environment. A multiplicity of sustainability initiatives that are key to this advancement include: poverty reduction, social capital formation, good governance processes and partnerships, effective planning and management and equitable distribution of resources [ 80 ]. As a result, advanced societies are more inclined to consider these initiatives when considering and developing UGS-oriented city practices.
Provisional designs of modern compact cities reported positive integration of UGS due to socio-perception and -behavioural attributes by green space users [ 81 , 82 ]. Much of the data relates to the dose-response conceptual framework that unravels the intricacies between UGS and health [ 83 , 84 ]. We deem this framework as a positive, forward thinking pathway for the modernisation of smart, compact cities throughout the Asia-Pacific region and beyond.
Cities can be compact as well as ‘green,’ with meticulous attention paid to every aspect of the urban greening complex [ 85 ]. Urban planners, landscape architects and policy makers need to pay more attention to the quality of UGS and not only to the quantity [ 17 ]. Daily, people need to be in contact with nature; UGS can supply this need. For urban inhabitants, UGS is often the only source of nature-based interaction readily available within any reasonable distance; hence, the question of how much greenery a person needs is very relevant. The determined minimums by the World Health Organization conclude that, at a societal level, urban dwellers are happier and healthier when those minimums are exceeded [ 36 ]. This paper, as well as previous literature, indicates that planning practices for densification and the creation of compact cities needs to permit inclusion of UGS by way of close proximity, coherent design and sufficient size, variation, maintenance and person-to-person engagement (e.g., gardening or participatory processes) [ 86 ]. There has been recent talk of revitalising Ruskin [ 87 ] and Howard’s [ 88 ] dream of garden city living; this can be done if ecologists, landscape planners and designers smartly and attractively design high-density urban environments to include high-quality, biodiverse green space and achieve multiple functions for both people and wildlife [ 89 ]. Our underlying theme has been to develop and maintain ecologically resilient urbanisation in correlation with its rapid development. This premise has steered us toward understanding the modern compact city and, specifically, the ‘city in a garden’ approach; future best practices will need to ask how UGI requirements are being met and what UGS requirements are needed by planners and designers alike when considering future city designs. We have touched upon a variety of novel approaches and stress the importance of further research and expertise within this interdisciplinary field. Intrinsically, cities are multi-dimensional in character, rather than single. They contain the intersection of interacting components and interdependent parts of urban development and the informal urban activities that influence urban infrastructure provision and services. These provisions and services are a part of a cyclic socioeconomic relationship in which sustainability-oriented thinking is future-oriented. Such multiple interdependencies to developing UGS is a topic of further research, as it examines potential advancement of welfare and wellbeing of city dwellers as well as the adaptability for future generations. Our hope is to expand knowledge-base and work toward modernising compact cities in a sound, sustainable and vibrant manner.
Sincere thank you to Ayob Bin Ismail and Mark Chan for helping us with professional images of the ‘Gardens by the Bay’ in Singapore.
Conceptualisation and Resources, A.R.; Validation, Formal Analysis and Investigation, A.R. and G.T.C.; Writing—Original Draft Preparation, A.R.; Writing—Review & Editing, A.R. and G.T.C.; Visualisation and Project Administration, A.R.; Supervision, G.T.C.; Funding Acquisition, A.R. and G.T.C.
This research received no external funding.
The authors declare no conflict of interest.
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Photo: OLGA MALTSEVA/AFP/Getty Images
Commentary by Angelina Davydova
Published March 3, 2021
Despite growing pressure on civil society activists and opposition leaders, grassroots environmental activism is on the rise in Russia. How have these movements evolved and adapted? What forms do they take now? And what is the future of environmental activism in Russia?
The last few years have witnessed growing environmental awareness across Russia’s regions, both according to polls and the number of observed protest movements and campaigns. (A good mapping of such protests can be found on crowd-sourcing platform Activatica .) These campaigns aim to tackle regional, local, or hyper-local problems and address a range of concerns: locally polluting enterprises, new and potentially hazardous factories and waste incinerators, the expansion of coal mines, a lack of access to trustworthy data about environmental pollution, the destruction of green spaces in urban areas, illegal logging, and the water pollution.
A number of factors contribute to this growing environmental awareness and activism. For one, the international “green” agenda has brought environmental concerns to the forefront of domestic political, societal, and media discussions. Research increasingly draws a link between high income levels and environmental awareness (even as the increased consumption of high earners raises their carbon footprint ). Although Russians’ real disposable incomes have mostly declined since 2014, the country’s GDP per capita has nearly doubled since 2000. Russians now find that it has become “normal” to care about environmental issues, demand access to environmental data, and worry about potential health hazards from environmental pollution. Indeed, 35 percent of Russians are ready to take part in environmental protests, according to a survey conducted by a number of sociological centers in the fall of 2020, with particular concern over industrial water pollution, illegal logging, illegal or mismanaged waste landfills, and urban water pollution. Another study from the Russian Public Opinion Research Center (VSIOM) published in August 2020 revealed one in four Russians has begun to think more about environmental issues during the pandemic due to overall increased attention to health. The Levada Center, an independent pollster, found that 84 percent of Russians are worried about environmental problems; of those, 25 percent expressed highest concern over air pollution, 15 percent over water pollution, and 11 percent over waste management.
This growth in environmental awareness in Russia has coincided with a growing concern that local natural resources—“our land” and “our forests”—are exploited or mismanaged by multinational or domestic companies, and that profits from these resources are whisked away to Moscow or foreign capitals to the detriment of local communities. In this sense, heightened environmental awareness intermingles with Russia’s traditional center-region cultural and political divide and growing regional inequalities .
The landscape for environmental activism in Russia is more fluid and decentralized than in the West—but it has grown. New environmental groups in Russia are informal and frequently do not register as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Rather, they spring up around a particular issue and often dissolve once it has been addressed, only occasionally evolving into a larger and more permanent association. Despite their informal structures, many of these new civil society groups have managed to attract impressive levels of public attention and support, aptly utilizing both traditional and new media and building up capacity and involvement structures through online tools. One example is the successful campaign around the Shies settlement in the Archangelsk region of northern Russia, where for months local activists have sustained an encampment to block the construction of a landfill for household waste from Moscow.
These grassroots movements and groups provoke a range of reactions from state authorities. Some are tolerated and even brought into the policy process (e.g., “officially” invited into advisory councils). Occasionally, these campaigns also lead to real change. Such was the case in Bashkiria, where recent protests over limestone mining in a hillside viewed by local residents as sacred led to the cancellation of the project .
More often, however, campaigns butt up against political realities, leading to the prosecution of activists and even physical threats and abuse toward to them by state institutions, often on behalf of a private company. A case in point would be persecution of activists from the Voronezh region for fighting against copper and nickel exploration plans on agricultural lands, even though these plans have been put on hold. A recent report by the Russian Socio-Ecological Union highlights 169 episodes of pressure on 450 eco-activists in 26 regions of Russia in 2020. One activist was killed, 15 were injured or had their property damaged, and 14 criminal and 264 administrative cases were initiated against eco-activists. “Most cases of pressure on eco-activists are connected with the extraction of natural resources, waste management, polluting industries and construction projects,” the report says.
Environmental activism in Russia falls into several categories.
Protest groups
The first category tends to work mostly on short-lived campaigns directed against a local source of pollution (i.e., a factory or an incineration plant) or against plans to erect new infrastructure on an existing green space, particularly in urban areas. Participants in this category tend to be residents of the region or neighborhood who organize through social networks and then dissolve once their cause is addressed. Occasionally, these groups form networks or associations based on common interests and causes, such as the Green Coalition of St. Petersburg , which aims to unite all grassroots groups fighting against demolition of parks and green zones, or the Association of Eco-Groups of Moscow and Moscow Region
Grassroots environmental groups
The second type of group tends to focus on issues that are absent from the governmental agenda: recycling , sustainable or ethical consumption , urban greening , and more. An example here would be the movement Razdelny Sbor (“Separate Selection”), which created a system of recycling points across many Russian cities. These types of groups rarely engage in protest activities and tend to focus their energies and resources on lobbying and engaging the general public though traditional and social media.
Environmental watchdogs
The third genre of environmental activism in Russia focuses on public monitoring and oversight of environmental and urban policy at the federal, regional, and municipal level, including project implementation and public funds spending. Watchdogs might also provide alternate estimations of environmental data (especially when data is not available or reliable) or initiate campaigns for access to environmental data, demanding transparency and accountability. Examples here include grassroots initiatives to create alternative, civic-based monitoring of air pollution in Krasnoyarsk , Chelyabinsk , and Moscow .
Activists also use a variety of tactics to achieve their goals.
Social media and informational technology
Social media platforms, including VK, Facebook, WhatsApp, and increasingly Telegram, are the lifeblood of new environmental groups. They are used to report news and provide updates on activities and achievements, publish statistics, mobilize public support, and raise awareness over the campaign’s cause. A number of activists from environmental campaigns have also launched their own personal blogs, which act as self-run media sources offering personal takes on recent changes in legislation and synchronizing campaign updates and news. Anna Garkusha of Razdelny Sbor, for example, runs a popular blog on recycling and waste policy.
Another distinct feature of the new wave of environmental movements in Russia is the use of information technology and open-source data tools, including mapping, organized hackathons, and web platforms, apps, and other user-friendly interfaces that facilitate wider communication and greater involvement of the general public. Several environmental groups cooperate closely with experts or activists from the tech industry. An interesting example here is Teplitsa Sozialnykh Technologiy (“A Greenhouse for Social Technologies”), an NGO resource center that helps activist groups better use online technologies and digital tools and solutions in their work and campaigns.
Engagement with authorities
Although civil groups face growing pressure in Russia, there are plenty of examples of environmental NGOs and activists working through more formal channels to achieve their political aims. For example, Moscow’s annual Russian Civil Forum provides a space for representatives of established environmental NGOs and new environmental groups to try to coordinate with each other and align their positions on environmental policy issues. In addition, the Russian Social Ecological Union’s annual conference convenes representatives of Russian civil society groups (both registered and grassroots groups) working on energy efficiency and renewable energy issues to develop positions in support of or against international and Russian climate policy. These position points are later shared with Russian decisionmakers on climate change policy and with the international community at UN climate conferences. However, productive engagement with authorities is not always politically feasible—in particular when the object of protest concerns an investment project or a corruption scheme involving both local authorities and companies. Here, too, there are no set rules. Citizens may organize protest campaigns and attempt to attract the attention of regional or federal authorities via media and popular mobilization; go to the courts with the backing of professional lawyers, many of whom are also supported by NGOs such as Bellona or Greenpeace; enter into a dialogue with the local authorities via the civic chamber or similar structures; or combine these tactics to build pressure at multiple levels. In some cases, activists are persecuted by regional authorities and forced to leave the region (and even the country).
Regional authorities must walk a fine line between effectively managing environmental grievances and avoiding the heavy-handed persecution of activists or suppression of public opinion that could potentially damage their reputation. Indeed, a number of regional governors have lost their positions following large-scale environmental protests that they failed to tackle properly, at least in Moscow’s view. With this in mind, some governors are more willing to initiate dialogue with local activists just to avoid escalation.
Overall, the landscape for environmental activism in Russia is becoming more decentralized and less formal. A growing number of new groups and movements choose to remain unregistered entities—with no office, no full-time staff, and little or no budget—for a variety of political and societal reasons. First, repressive foreign agent legislation has raised the stakes for established NGOs who receive part of their financing from outside of Russia; increasingly, new environmental groups in Russia try to avoid any direct financing from abroad. Second, new groups try to preemptively avoid pressure from the authorities in the form of tax audits and health and fire code inspections that can lead to legal charges, fines, and even closure. Third, by skirting typical organizational or foundational structures, these groups can also claim to be closer to the ground and more connected to the immediate interests and concerns of local communities—working on local as opposed to global issues. More and more often, activism takes the form of crowdfunding campaigns or private donations only in an attempt to remain transparent to donors and accountable to constituencies.
Global movements
Even as activist structures have become more local and decentralized, youth climate activism in Russia has begun to gain steam over the past two years, in part due to the global “Fridays For Our Future” (FFF) and “Extinction Rebellion” movements. The first youth climate protest in Russia took place in March 2019, and FFF has existed in digital form throughout the pandemic, organizing online protests and forming policy positions.
Though part of a global movement, these youth groups have attempted to formulate a Russia-specific agenda and apply global climate rhetoric to local environmental campaigns. These groups combine the experience, expertise, and technologies of Russia’s environmental tradition—honed in fights against new coal and gas infrastructure and for accountability over oil spills and landfill mismanagement—and the language of the global youth, emphasizing unsustainable economic and social developments and calling for major policy reforms in the energy, waste, and transportation sectors. At times, however, these structural demands can sound too radical and unrealistic for some of Russia’s more established green groups.
The past and current experiences of grassroots movements illustrate a framework for subsequent campaigns to follow. For an environmental activist movement to be successful in Russia, a number of factors must be in place:
The development of environmental and climate activism in Russia is gradually changing the political and societal landscape. “Green” topics are gaining importance within the overall political agenda, both at the federal and regional level. As public awareness of environmental issues grows in Russia, companies are beginning to pay more attention as well. So far, most of these movements are concentrated around the local environmental agenda, but youth are bringing a more international outlook to the focus and methods of Russian environmental activism. In many ways, this activism lays the groundwork for a new and more engaged civil society in Russia, one that resists easy categorization but appears in many forms across Russia’s diverse regions.
Angelina Davydova is a visiting fellow with the Europe, Russia, and Eurasia Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C.
Commentary is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).
© 2021 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved.
Programs & projects.
A house at Nezhinskaya street, Moscow
According to WorldAtlas, 54 percent of Moscow’s territory is covered by public parks and gardens, making it the greenest city in the world .
There are 20 square meters of trees and shrubs per inhabitant in Moscow – many times more than in Tokyo, London or Beijing. This happened because of the combination of two factors: first, Moscow was initially built amongst the forests of the North-Eastern Russia, second, landscaping and greening started in Moscow as early as the 18th century.
Apollinaryi Vasnetsov. The Trubnaya Square in Moscow in the 17th century.
Borovitsky hill, upon which the Moscow Kremlin stands, is named after the word ‘bor’ – ‘forest’ in Russian. And indeed, in the 11th century there was an oak grove here, where the central streets of Moscow are now. Another example is the Church of St. John the Evangelist under the Elm Tree, now on Novaya Square, not far away from the Kremlin. Historian of Moscow Pyotr Sytin believed this church had its name in honor of the dense forest that protected the eastern part of the Kremlin until the 15th century.
Church of St. John the Evangelist under the Elm Tree
In these places, spruce and pine trees predominated, which were actively cut down and used by the city's population for construction. The city was expanding, and the forest was being cut down at its outskirts for building new houses. But these ‘outskirts’ were so close to the Kremlin that it’s now the very center of the city – even in the 17th century, places like Trubnaya Square (a 20 minute walk from the Kremlin) were still largely green, and until the early 19th century, bushes and trees grew right beside the Kremlin wall, in the now obsolete Aloisios’ Ravine, constructed in the 16th century under the supervision of Italian architect Aloisio the New. However, the city’s greenery wasn’t organized in a systematic way.
Tverskoy Boulevard in Moscow, early 19th century
Catherine the Great, who wanted to update the old capital, ordered the construction of the Boulevard Ring. It took the place of the obsolete Belyi Gorod (‘White City’) fortification wall.
“Moscow is encircled by boulevards – they are not only an ornament, but also an important benefit,” Vladimir Odoevsky, a 19th century Russian journalist, wrote. “When foreigners, looking at the plan of Moscow, see this green ring, we are proud to explain to them that in winter and summer, both sick and healthy, and the elderly, and children can walk around the city, walk between the trees and not be afraid of being hit by a carriage.”
The Kremlin ravine, the 1800s
After the fire of 1812, another green ring appeared – the Sadovoye (‘Garden’) ring, a wide street encircling the fast-growing center and covered in private houses’ gardens.
Sokolniki Park, Moscow
Rapid urbanization starting after the 1917 revolution brought swarms of new inhabitants to Moscow, and the old city had to adjust to the needs of the industrial state. Unfortunately, with the 1930s Stalinist plan of Moscow reconstruction, many historical buildings were demolished, and main streets turned into highways.
Sadovaya-Kudrinskaya, Garden Ring, Moscow, 1928
In the 1930s, the Garden Ring was paved, trees at many squares and streets were cut down, there even were plans to destroy the Boulevard Ring, but fortunately they were not carried out. Georgy Popov (1906-1968), a Moscow Communist Party official, remembered that after WWII, in 1947, Stalin personally supervised the plans for re-greening the city center: “I remember how quickly we were deployed. We planted greenery on Dzerzhinsky Square (now Lubyanka Square), and in Okhotny Ryad, restored the garden on Sverdlov Square (now – Teatralnaya Square), and planted on Bolotnaya Square. Gorky Street was preplanted from Manezhnaya Square to Belorussky railway station. This was the first step in the greening of the central part of the city,” Popov wrote.
Sadovaya-Kudrinskaya, Garden Ring, Moscow, 1936
In 1951, the Moscow government chose from as many as 272 projects for re-greening Moscow. By 1961, forestry workers had planted over 500,000 trees and shrubs in the city. Small-leaved linden, blue spruce, fir, western thuja, irga, golden currant, barberry, and roses.
Gorky Park, Moscow, 1979
The 1950s-1960s also saw the reconstruction of Moscow’s biggest public parks. Gorky Park, transformed in the 1930s from Neskuchny (‘Merry’’) Garden, a 19th century public leisure space, has seen over 2,000 trees and 25,000 shrubs planted annually. The total space of the park expanded to 2.2 sq km, and the total length of the park’s alleys reached 30 km.
In the 20th century, more big parks were organized in Moscow: Sokolniki (5.16 sq km), Izmailovsky (16 sq km), Pokrovskoye-Streshnevo (2.22 sq km), Bitsevski Park (22 sq km), and, most importantly, Losiny Ostrov National Park (116 sq km), the largest urban park in Europe.
Japanese garden in Main Botanical Garden in Moscow
Currently, Moscow’s green affairs are under strict control from the city’s government. In 2010-2016, 432,000 trees and 3.5 million shrubs were planted, and since 2013, a government initiative called “A Million Trees” has been implemented, meant to plant vegetation inside the inner yards of apartment buildings, with the plants being chosen on a digital app platform by locals.
Cutting down a tree in Moscow (for example, during a house construction) is very difficult, and if you still have to resort to such a measure, then the developer is obliged to compensate for this by planting two trees. However, these rules do not yet apply to other Russian regions, even in close proximity to the city – for example, the Moscow Oblast’. In 2007-2012 in Khimki, a suburb in Moscow Oblast’, a part of forest containing ancient oaks was being cut down for a road construction project. The project was eventually implemented, and a section of toll road was organized, causing air pollution near the highway, and in addition, noise pollution in the forest.
According to Moscow government’s official portal , by the end of the year, over 5,000 trees and 136,000 shrubs will be planted in Moscow, so the city is not going to lose its status as the greenest capital of the world any time soon. However, the indexes of the air pollution in Moscow are still unfortunately high – the city is still Russia’s largest trade and industrial center. The World Air Quality index places Moscow in 27th place in the air pollution ranking.
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