Child Labor during the Industrial Revolution

This essay about child labor during the Industrial Revolution discusses the complex dynamics of technological advancement and its social repercussions. It highlights how the era’s rapid industrial growth led to the widespread employment of children in factories and mines, often under dangerous and exploitative conditions. Despite the economic benefits these practices brought to industrialists, the ethical implications and the human cost of utilizing child labor became increasingly apparent. The essay outlines the grueling work environments, the physical and psychological impacts on the children, and the slow but eventual societal shift towards reform, spurred by social reformers and changing public opinion. It concludes by reflecting on the lessons learned from this period, emphasizing the importance of balancing innovation with social justice and the lasting influence of the Industrial Revolution’s darker aspects on contemporary labor laws and workers’ rights.

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The Industrial Revolution, an epochal period characterized by monumental technological progress and profound societal metamorphosis, wrought myriad transformations, catapulting humanity into the realm of modernity. Yet, within this epoch lurked somber facets, among them the specter of child labor. The utilization of children to satisfy labor exigencies in factories, mines, and other industrial milieus unveils a disquieting aspect of industrial advancement, one that underscores the convoluted nature of progress.

During the twilight of the 18th and dawn of the 19th centuries, as industries burgeoned, the hunger for labor surged precipitously.

This demand found partial satiation through the enlistment of children, deemed ideal laborers for sundry reasons. They could be remunerated meagerly, were often more tractable than adults, and their diminutive stature facilitated traversal of the congested precincts of factories and mines. Consequently, it was not anomalous to encounter children as tender as five or six toiling arduously for protracted hours amidst perilous environs, with scant regard for their safety or well-being.

The toil exacted was arduous and perilous. Within textile mills, children operated gargantuan, intricate machinery, imperiling themselves to injuries or even fatalities should they become distracted or fatigued—a commonplace scenario given the exorbitantly protracted workdays. In coal mines, they toiled amidst stygian darkness, traversing cramped passages to convey coal. The corporeal toll was commensurate with the psychological repercussions, with myriad children deprived of the opportunity to partake in scholastic endeavors or relish a conventional childhood.

Notwithstanding the grim veracity of child labor, it required the passage of decades ere substantial reforms were effected. Nascent endeavors to regulate child labor encountered resistance from industrial magnates who reaped benefits from cheap labor and from some progenitors reliant on their children’s earnings for subsistence. It was not until the latter phases of the 19th century that public sentiment, galvanized by the endeavors of social reformers who laid bare the harsh vicissitudes encountered by working children, commenced to undergo transformation. Legislation was incrementally introduced to circumscribe the labor hours of children, institute minimum age requisites, and ultimately, to mandate educational pursuits.

The protracted struggle against child labor during the Industrial Revolution accentuates the intricate interplay between economic expansion and social equity. While the epoch was punctuated by unprecedented technological strides that laid the groundwork for contemporary industries, it also cast illumination on the imperative of ethical considerations amidst progress. The exploitation of juvenile laborers stands as a poignant testament to the human toll exacted by industrialization and the imperative of shielding vulnerable cohorts.

Upon retrospection of this era, it becomes imperative to acknowledge both the triumphs and lapses of the Industrial Revolution. The utilization of child labor underscores the murkier underpinnings of rapid industrial progress, serving as a poignant reminder of the imperative for equilibrium between innovation and societal well-being. Presently, the insights gleaned from this epoch continue to reverberate within labor statutes and workers’ rights, attesting to the enduring resonance of yesteryears upon contemporary and forthcoming policies.

In summation, the specter of child labor during the Industrial Revolution furnishes a paradox of advancement, emerging as a poignant exemplification of how industrial breakthroughs can engender social regressions. The ordeals endured by juvenile laborers during this epoch cast illumination on the bleaker facets of economic expansion and the exigency of ethical reflections in developmental trajectories. As humanity traverses the trajectory of advancement, recollection of the lessons of yore can serve as a bulwark, ensuring that future progress does not exact a toll upon human dignity and welfare.

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child labour in the industrial revolution essay

Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution

Mark Cartwright

Children were widely used as labour in factories, mines, and agriculture during the British Industrial Revolution (1760-1840). Very often working the same 12-hour shifts that adults did, children as young as five years old were paid a pittance to climb under dangerous weaving machines, move coal through narrow mine shafts, and work in agricultural gangs.

It was very often the case that children's jobs were well-defined and specific to them, in other words, child labour was not merely an extra help for the adult workforce. The education of many children was replaced by a working day, a choice often made by parents to supplement a meagre family income. It was not until the 1820s that governments began to pass laws that restricted working hours and business owners were compelled to provide safer working conditions for everyone, men, women , and children. Even then a lack of inspectors meant many abuses still went on, a situation noted and publicised by charities, philanthropists, and authors with a social conscience like Charles Dickens (1812-1870).

Child Cotton Mill Worker

A Lack of Education

As sending a child to school involved paying a fee – even the cheapest asked for a penny a day – most parents did not bother. Villages often had a small school, where each pupil's parents paid the teacher, but attendance was sometimes erratic and more often than not the education rudimentary in hopelessly overcrowded classes. There were some free schools run by charities, and churches often offered Sunday school. Not until 1844 were there more free schools available, such as the Ragged schools established by Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury (1801-1885). These schools concentrated on the basics, what became known as the 3 Rs of Reading, Writing , and Arithmetic. Compulsory education for 5 to 12-year-olds, and the institutions necessary to provide it, would not come along until the 1870s. Consequently, "at least half of nominally school-age children worked full-time during the industrial revolution " (Horn, 57).

Some factory owners were more generous than others to the children in their employ. An example is the Quarry Bank Mill in Styal in the county of Cheshire. Here the owner provided schooling after the long working day was over for 100 of its child workers in a dedicated building, the Apprentice House.

An indicator of better education, despite all the difficulties, is literacy rates, rather imperfectly measured by historians by recording the ability of a person to sign one's name on official documents such as marriage certificates. There was a great improvement in literacy, but by 1800, still only half of the adult population could sign their name to such documents.

For those children who could find work in the Industrial Revolution, and there were employers queueing up to offer it, there were no trade unions to protect them. For the vast majority of children, working life started at an early age – on average at 8 years old – but as nobody really cared about age, this could vary wildly. Working involved at best tedium and at worst an endless round of threats, fines, corporal punishment, and instant dismissal at any protest to such treatment. In one survey taken in 1833, it was found that the tactics used with child labourers were 95% negative. Instant dismissal accounted for 58%. In only 4% of cases was a reward given for good work, and a mere 1% of the strategies used involved a promotion or pay rise.

Child Sewing by Laugée

Traditional Child Work

In the traditional cottage industry of handweaving, children had always washed and carded raw wool so that their mother could spin it on a spinning wheel, which then was woven into fabric by the father using a handloom. Craftworkers often took on an apprentice or two. Apprentices were given their board and lodgings and taught a particular trade by their master. In return, the child not only worked for free but was expected to pay a large fee upfront before starting a contract that could last a year or several years or even up to seven years, depending on the trade. Then there were children who worked in their parents' or relations' small businesses, such as small-scale manufacturers like basket-weavers, blacksmiths, and potters.

Children worked in agriculture, still a significant area during the Industrial Revolution and one which involved 35% of Britain 's total workforce in 1800. Children, as they always had done, continued to tend herds of animals and flocks of fowl, and they essentially performed any task required that they were physically capable of. Many children joined agricultural gangs which moved around to where there was temporary or seasonal employment.

Children in Mines

Men, women, and children worked in Britain's mines, particularly in the coal mines, which boomed as they produced the fuel to feed the steam engines of the Industrial Revolution. All three groups had been involved in mining before the arrival of machines, but the industry's expansion meant that many more were now involved than previously. Children as young as five years old were found useful by mine owners since they were small enough to climb into narrow ventilation shafts where they could ensure that trapdoors were regularly opened and shut. Testimony like James Pearce's in 1842 was common:

I am 12 years of age. I went down to the pits about 7 years and a half to open doors. I had a candle and a fire beside me to show me light…I was 12 hours a-day, and got 6d a day. I attended and got the money. When I was paid I took it home to my mother. I was a year and a half at this work. I once fell asleep and was well threshed by a driver. (Shelley, 42)

Child Pulling Coal in a Mine

Most children, as they got older, were then employed to either shift the coal from the working level to the surface or to sort it out from other debris before it was shipped away. Those who pulled the coal in carts using a harness were known as 'hurriers', and those who pushed were 'thrusters'. This was back-breaking work detrimental to the child's physical development. Many parents were not opposed to their children working, despite the health hazards, since they brought in much-needed earnings for the family. In addition, over half of the children working in mines kept their employment when they reached adulthood, so it was a good route to secure a job for life. From 1800 to 1850, children composed between 20-50% of the mining workforce.

The consequence of working at such an early age was that most children employed in mines never had more than three years of schooling. Children very often suffered health problems from the physical hard work and long, 12-hour shifts. Breathing in coal dust year after year caused many to develop lung diseases later in life. As the historian S. Yorke emphatically notes, "The coal mining industry must represent one of the worst exploitations of men, women and children ever to have taken place in Britain" (98).

Children in Factories

Factories with new steam-powered machines like power looms were the great development of the Industrial Revolution, but they came at a cost. These places, especially the textile mills, were dark and noisy, and they were deliberately kept damp so that the cotton threads were more supple and less likely to break. The new mechanization of manufacturing meant that few skills were needed anymore for the basic workforce. Children were required to go under the machines to clear up cotton waste for reuse or to repair broken threads or remove blockages from the machinery. This was often dangerous work as the machines could be unpredictable. A massive weaving machine might come to a crashing halt with heavy parts falling down and movable pieces like spindles flying around like bullets.

In the factories, children worked, just like the adults around them, long 12-hour shifts six days a week. 12 hours nicely split the day in two for employers. As the machines were operated 24 hours a day, one child would return to a warm bed after work as the occupant rolled out to start their own shift, a practice known as 'hot bedding'. Children were the cheapest labour to be found, and employers were not slow to use them. A child worker was about 80% cheaper than a man and 50% cheaper than a woman. Children had the advantage of having nimble fingers and smaller bodies that could get into places and under machinery that adults could not. They could also be bullied and threatened by supervisors much more easily than an adult, and they could not fight back.

Child Working in a Factory

Children were also apprenticed to factory owners in a system similar to indenture. Parents were given money by their parish to allow their children to work in factories. The practice was common, and it was not until 1816 that a limit was put on how far away the children were required to work – 64 km (40 mi).

Children made up around one-third of the workforce in Britain's factories. In 1832, as the Industrial Revolution reached its final decade, these children were still subject to appalling working conditions in factories, as here described by the MP Michael Sadler, who pressed for reform:

Even, at this moment, while I am thus speaking on behalf of these oppressed children, what numbers of them are still at their toil, confined to heated rooms, bathed in perspiration, stunned with the roar of revolving wheels, poisoned with the noxious effluvia of grease and gas, til at last, weary and exhausted, they turn out almost naked, plunge into the inclement air, and creep shivering to beds from which a relay of their young work-fellows have just risen; and such is the fate of many of them at the best while in numbers of instances, they are diseased, stunted, crippled, depraved, destroyed. (Shelley, 18)

The Poor & Orphans

Children without homes and a paid position elsewhere were, if boys, often trained to become a Shoe Black, that is someone who shined shoes in the street. These paupers were given this opportunity by charitable organisations so that they would not have to go to the infamous workhouse. The workhouse was brought into existence in 1834 and was deliberately intended to be such an awful place that it did little more than keep its inhabitants alive in the belief that any more charity than that would simply encourage the poor not to bother looking for paid work. The workhouse involved what its name suggests – work, but it was tedious work indeed, typically unpleasant and repetitive tasks like crushing bones to make glue or cleaning the workhouse itself. No wonder, then, given the squalid life in the workhouse, that many children worked in factories and mines.

Government Labour Reforms

Eventually, governments did what the fledgling trade unions had struggled to achieve, and from the 1830s, the situation for workers in factories and mines, including for children, began to slowly improve. Previously, governments had always been reluctant to restrict trade in principle, preferring a laissez-faire approach to economics. It did not help that many members of Parliament were themselves large-scale employers. Nevertheless, several acts of Parliament were passed to try, although not always successfully, to limit employers' exploitation of their workforce and lay down minimum standards.

Child Shoe Black

The first industry to receive restrictions on worker exploitation was the cotton industry, but soon the new laws applied to workers of any kind. The 1802 Health and Morals of Apprentices Act stipulated that child apprentices should not work more than 12 hours a day, they must be given a basic education, and they must attend church services no fewer than two times each month. More acts followed, and this time they applied to all working children. The 1819 Cotton Mills and Factories Act limited work to children 9 years or over, and they could not work for more than 12 hours per day if under 16 years of age. Possible working hours for children were established as between 6 a.m. and 9 p.m. The 1833 Factory Act stipulated that children in any industry could not be legally employed under 9 years of age and could not be asked to work for more than 8 hours each day if aged 9 to 13, or no more than 12 hours each day if aged between 14 and 18. The same act prohibited all children from working at night and made it obligatory for children to attend a minimum of two hours of education each day.

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Although there were many abuses of the new regulations, there were government inspectors tasked with ensuring they were followed. These officials could demand, for example, age certificates for any child employee or a certificate from a schoolmaster that the required number of hours of education had been given to a specific child.

Progressive changes followed the earlier acts. The 1842 Mines Act stipulated that no child under 10 years of age could be employed in underground work. The 1844 Factory Act limited anyone's working day to 12 hours, dangerous machines had to be placed in a separate workspace, and sanitary regulations were imposed on employers. The 1847 Factory Act further limited the working day to a maximum of 10 hours, a reduction that campaigners had long been lobbying the government to make. There were still many abusers of the new laws, and many parents still desperately needed the extra income their working children brought, but attitudes were finally changing in wider society in regard to using children for labour.

Authors like Charles Dickens wrote such damning works as Oliver Twist (1837) that pointed out the plight of poorer children. In the moralism of the Victorian period, many people now wanted children to preserve their innocence longer and not be so early exposed to the temptations and moral pitfalls of adult life. The idea that childhood was worth keeping but could be lost if not protected saw the foundation of the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children in 1889. The arts continued to prick people's consciences. J. M. Barries' character of Peter Pan , which first appeared in 1901, confirmed this shifting of attitudes and the realisation and recognition that childhood was a thing of value in and of itself, a precious thing that should not be obliterated in the daily grind of mines and factories.

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Bibliography

  • Allen, Robert C. The British Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective . Cambridge University Press, 2009.
  • Corey, Melinda & Ochoa, George. The Encyclopedia of the Victorian World. Henry Holt & Co, 1996.
  • Dugan, Sally & Dugan, David. The Day the World Took Off. Channel 4 Book, 2023.
  • Hepplewhite, Peter. Industrial Revolution. Wayland, 2016.
  • Horn, Jeff. The Industrial Revolution . Greenwood, 2007.
  • Humphries, Jane. Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution . Cambridge University Press, 2011.
  • Shelley, C et al. Industrialisation and Social Change in Britain. PEARSON SCHOOLS, 2016.

About the Author

Mark Cartwright

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child labour in the industrial revolution essay

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Child Labor

By: History.com Editors

Updated: August 24, 2022 | Original: October 27, 2009

Lewis Hine photo of child laborers.

Child labor, or the use of children as workers, servants and apprentices, has been practiced throughout most of human history, but reached its zenith during the Industrial Revolution. Miserable working conditions including crowded and unclean factories, a lack of safety codes and long hours were the norm. Children could be paid less and were less likely to organize into unions. Working children were typically unable to attend school, creating a cycle of poverty that was difficult to break. Nineteenth century reformers and labor organizers sought to restrict child labor and improve working conditions to uplift the masses, but it took the Great Depression—a time when Americans were desperate for employment—to shake long-held practices of child labor in the United States.

Child Labor in the United States

The Puritan work ethic of the 13 colonies and their founders valued hard work over idleness, and this ethos applied to children as well. Through the first half of the 1800s, child labor was an essential part of the agricultural and handicraft economy of the United States. Children worked on family farms and as indentured servants for others. To learn a trade, boys often began their apprenticeships between the ages of ten and fourteen.

Industrial Revolution

The Industrial Revolution saw the rise of factories and mines in need of workers. Children were ideal employees because they could be paid less, were often of smaller size so could attend to tasks in tight spaces and were less likely to organize and strike against their pitiable working conditions.

Before the Civil War , women and children played a critical role in American manufacturing, though it was still a relatively small part of the economy. Advances in manufacturing techniques after the war increased the number of jobs—and therefore increased the number of child laborers.

Did you know? In 1900, 18 percent of all American workers were under the age of 16.

Immigration and Child Labor

Immigration to the United States coincidentally peaked during the Industrial Revolution and led to a new source of labor—and child labor. When the Irish Potato Famine struck in the 1840s, Irish immigrants moved to fill lower-level factory jobs.

In the 1880s, groups from southern and eastern Europe arrived, provided a new pool of child workers. The trend continues today, as many immigrant children work in agriculture, which is exempt from certain labor laws.

National Child Labor Committee

Educational reformers of the mid-nineteenth century attempted to convince the public that a primary school education was a necessity if the nation were to advance as a whole. Several states established a minimum wage for labor and requirements for school attendance—though many of these laws were full of loopholes that were readily exploited by employers hungry for cheap labor.

Lewis Hine Child Labor Photos

Beginning in 1900, efforts to regulate or eliminate child labor became central to social reform in the United States. The National Child Labor Committee , organized in 1904, and state child labor committees led the charge.

These organizations employed flexible methods in the face of slow progress. They pioneered tactics like investigations by experts; the use of photographs of child laborers to spark outrage at the poor conditions of children at work, and persuasive lobbying efforts. They used written pamphlets, leaflets and mass mailings to reach the public.

From 1902 to 1915, child labor committees emphasized reform through state legislatures. Many laws restricting child labor were passed as part of the Progressive Era reform movement . But many Southern states resisted, leading to the decision to work for a federal child labor law. While Congress passed such laws in 1916 and 1918, the Supreme Court declared them unconstitutional.

The supporters of child labor laws sought a constitutional amendment authorizing federal child labor legislation and it passed in 1924, though states were not keen to ratify it; the conservative political climate of the 1920s, together with opposition from farm and church organizations fearing increased federal power over children, acted as roadblocks.

Depression-Era Child Labor

The Great Depression left thousands of Americans without jobs and led to sweeping reforms under the New Deal programs of Franklin Delano Roosevelt . These focused on increasing federal oversight of the workplace and giving out-of-work adults jobs—thereby creating a powerful motive to remove children from the workforce.

Almost all of the codes developed under the National Industrial Recovery Act served to reduce child labor. The Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 set a national minimum wage for the first time, a maximum number of hour for workers in interstate commerce—and placed limitations on child labor. In effect, the employment of children under sixteen years of age was prohibited in manufacturing and mining.

child labour in the industrial revolution essay

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Automatization and Education

Changing attitudes toward work and social reform weren’t the only factors reducing child labor; the invention of improved machinery that mechanized many of the repetitive tasks previously given to children led to a decrease of children in the workforce. Semiskilled adults took their place for more complex tasks.

Education underwent reforms, too. Many states increasing the number of years of schooling required to hold certain jobs, lengthened the school year and began to more strictly enforce truancy laws. In 1949, Congress amended the child labor law to include businesses not covered in 1938 like transportation, communications and public utilities.

Does Child Labor Exist Today?

Although child labor has been significantly stalled in the United States, it lingers in certain areas of the economy like agriculture, where migrant workers are more difficult to regulate. Since 1938, federal laws have excluded child farm workers from labor protections provided to other working children. For example, children 12 and younger can legally work in farm fields, despite the risks posed by exposure to pesticides and farm machinery.

Employers in the garment industry have turned to the children of illegal immigrants in an effort to compete with imports from low-wage nations. Despite laws limiting the number of hours of work for children and teens still attending school, the increasing cost of education means many are working longer hours to make ends meet. State-by-state enforcement of child labor laws varies to this day.

Youth Employment Laws. The University of Iowa Center . History of Child Labor in the United States. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics . Children in the Fields. National Farm Worker Ministry .

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Children in the Industrial Revolution

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Children in the Industrial Revolution by Carolyn Tuttle LAST REVIEWED: 13 January 2022 LAST MODIFIED: 22 February 2018 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199791231-0197

Children aged six to sixteen who had worked on farms, in their homes, or in domestic workshops began to work away from home in textile mills and mines in the late 18th century. The novelty was not that they worked but whether the nature of their work changed and why it became a social problem. There is very little consensus among contemporaries and historians regarding the impact of industrialization on the lives of the working children. Did they benefit or were they harmed? The obvious place to begin is where the first “Industrial Revolution” occurred, Great Britain. Although it wasn’t entirely “industrial” in nature and certainly didn’t occur quickly, scholars concede that it was a time of dramatic change to industry and the economy. Contemporaries and historians disagree, however, on what role children played. Some claim that children constituted a large percentage of the workforce, their tasks were essential to the production process, they were independent wage earners, and their contribution to the family was significant. Other argue that idleness and unemployment was more the problem and that children had been contributing to the family income for decades. The most contentious debate revolves around whether or not children were exploited in the new industries. A few contemporaries were thrilled to see children hard at work while others were horrified and felt it had become a social problem. A group of concerned parliamentarians ordered reports on the conditions in the textile factories and mines, hoping to settle the debate. Factory and mining commissioners surveyed hundreds of working children, parents, and overseers to document the effects of employment on children. The evidence from these reports was used to develop labor legislation that would regulate child labor but not eliminate it. Pessimists used this evidence as well as personal observations to argue that children were exploited and must be protected. Optimists argued the evidence was biased and that factory children suffered no worse than those in domestic industry. As a consequence of the Factory Movement, legislation was passed but its effectiveness is disputable because enforcement proved difficult. Using data from other Parliamentary Papers historians have furthered the debate over children’s welfare by comparing health records of children in industry to others, with conflicting conclusions. There is consensus, however, that a formal education was logistically impossible and not particularly relevant for working-class children. Child labor persisted as other European and North American countries industrialized. History is repeating itself, as research by ethnographers, economists, and historians has documented substantial child labor in developing countries today.

There is considerable debate as to the novelty of child labor during the Industrial Revolution and whether it was dramatically different in the factories and mines than it had been on farms and in homes. Berg 1986 , Pinchbeck 1930 , and Wallace 2010 claim that the nature of child labor did not change by demonstrating that children had been working hard for centuries in the informal economy. Historically, child labor referred to any work children did, whether or not they were paid. This includes a diverse set of activities ranging from running errands to straw plaiting. Other scholars argue industrialization changed the nature of child labor by removing them from their home and parental supervision into factories and mines where they worked long hours in unhealthy conditions and were mistreated. There are a number of scholars who concentrate on child labor in the formal economy in the textile industry. Tuttle 1999 and Pollard 1965 conclude children’s work in textile factories was noticeably worse than in the cottage industry due to the new industrial regime. The textile industry became Britain’s leading industry as the extraordinary demands of the industrialists and their automated machinery placed new burdens on children. The arduous tasks children performed on the new spinning machines are meticulously described by Bolin-Hort 1989 and Chapman 1967 . There are other scholars who focus on children working in the formal economy in the coal and metallurgy mines. In the literature on children working in the mines there is a consensus that this work was dramatically different from work in the cottage industry and that children suffered. Leifchild 1853 and Leifchild 1857 provide extensive details (ages, numbers of children, working conditions) on children working underground in coal mines and above ground in metallurgy mines. Tuttle 1999 augments Leifchild’s data with information from the 1842 Report of the Mines to develop a comprehensive picture of the importance of child labor in coal and metallurgy mines.

Berg, Maxine. The Age of Manufactures: Industry, Innovation and Work in Britain, 1700–1820 . New York: Oxford University Press, 1986.

An in-depth examination of “the other Industrial Revolution” is developed by analyzing the life of artisans, their tools, and their skills to shed light on the variety of production types that co-existed during the Industrial Revolution. The extent and broad coverage of children in various cottage industries (metal, leather, silk, paper, and printing) with accompanying illustrations of the techniques they used fills a void in the literature.

Bolin-Hort, Per. Work, Family and the State: Child Labor and the Organization of Production in the British Cotton Industry . Lund, Sweden: Lund University Press, 1989.

This book offers a different perspective on the reason numerous children were employed in the textile mills. A comparative analysis of the new spinning machinery adopted in British, Scottish, and American textile factories casts doubt on a primarily technology-driven argument. Instead, the use of child labor was also driven by labor relations (subcontracting between the spinner and piecer) and union goals to limit the supply of spinners.

Chapman, Stanley D. Early Factory Masters: The Transition to the Factory System in the Midlands Textile Industry . Devon, UK: Newton Abbot, 1967.

The major problem facing industrialists was the recruitment and retention of a productive labor force for the textile mills. The organization of production under one roof and the adoption of machines that required unskilled labor increased the demand for women and children. A thorough examination of the labor requirements of each innovation beginning with the Spinning Jenny provides an explanation for the increased demand for children in the textile industry.

Leifchild, J. R. Our Coal and Our Coal-Pit: The People in Them and the Scenes around Them . London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1853.

An extremely detailed description from a contemporary of the workings of a coal mine and the various tasks performed. Sketches of coal seams, methods of excavation, and personal observations below and above ground reveal the unhealthy and dangerous working conditions of trappers and putters. It also includes some statistics on the number of children employed and their wages.

Leifchild, J. R. Cornwall: Its Mines and Miners . London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans and Roberts, 1857.

A contemporary’s detailed description of the workings of tin and copper mines in Cornwall. In contrast to coal mines, children usually worked with their father and did not work underground. The largest number of children, mostly girls, worked as “bal-maidens” dressing the ores. Along with an analysis of the 1842 Report on the Mines, statistics on the number of children and the output of various mines are presented.

Pinchbeck, Ivy. Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution, 1750–1800 . London: George Routledge, 1930.

Pinchbeck offers a broad examination of the role of women and children in the family economy beginning in agricultural gangs, moving to cottage industries (lace makers, straw plaiting, glove making, and button making) and ending in textile factories and mines. She argues that the working conditions and exploitation of children in the cottage industry were far worse than they were in the factories and coal mines.

Pollard, Sidney. The Genesis of Modern Management . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965.

This book describes how the labor requirements for factory work were dramatically different from those in the cottage industries. It argues that industrialists hired children because they found it difficult to recruit adult workers to enter the factory system with its rules and discipline. The children because of their obedient nature made especially productive workers in this new industrial regime.

Tuttle, Carolyn. Hard at Work in Factories and Mines: The Economics of Child Labor during the Industrial Revolution . Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1999.

A detailed economic analysis of child labor in the textile and mining industry. It makes the argument that child labor was driven by the demand for labor due to biased technological change. Considerable empirical data from the British Parliamentary Papers and qualitative data on the new automated machinery and underground tunnels offer support that children were preferred because of their physical, emotional, and psychological characteristics.

Wallace, Eileen. Children of the Labouring Poor: The Working Lives of Children in Nineteenth-Century Hertfordshire . Hatfield, UK: University of Hertfordshire Press, 2010.

Using testimony of children from factory inspectors, school log books, and newspaper accounts of living conditions, this book provides a thorough examination of the lives of working children during 19th-century Hertfordshire. It describes, and often illustrates, children working in agriculture, straw plaiting, brickfields, silk, papermaking, domestic service, textile mills, and chimneys. Wallace concludes that children in brickfields and chimneys suffered the most (not the factory children).

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First page of “Child Labor, Social History, and the Industrial Revolution: A Methodological Inquiry”

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Child Labor, Social History, and the Industrial Revolution: A Methodological Inquiry

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Child labor during the British Industrial Revolution is a phenomenon that has, at times, been neglected by historians. That’s not to say that little ink has been spilled about industrialization and child labor over the past two centuries; quite the opposite. Industrialism’s role in child labor and its intensification of misery and exploitation of children has been a consistent theme since industrialization itself. This essay centers on two more recent, but pivotal texts in the history of child labor during the Industrial Revolution, namely Clark Nardinelli’s Child Labor and the Industrial Revolution (1990) and Jane Humphries’s Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution (2010). While each historian had taken an economic approach to the social history of the period, the differences between their approaches, using both quantitative and qualitative methods, are instructive. Interspersed with these two texts on child labor will be E.P. Thompson’s celebrated The Making of the English Working Class (1963), to examine the way historians have went about constructing their social histories of the British Industrial Revolution. We will also touch on the standard of living debate, for this touches on important methodological disputes as well. Finally, this essay will offer a different approach to examining these historical problems, an approach to the social sciences pioneered by economist Ludwig von Mises in his magnum opus on economics, entitled Human Action: A Treatise on Economics (1949). This approach will not resolve every question of methodology and interpretation advanced by the authors we will be reviewing here, but it will be applied to a few concrete examples to illustrate its usefulness in resolving some of the historical controversy, or at least clarify it.

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Childhood and child labour in the British Industrial Revolution Jane Humphries

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Kanchana N. Ruwanpura, Childhood and child labour in the British Industrial Revolution Jane Humphries, Journal of Economic Geography , Volume 11, Issue 5, September 2011, Pages 921–922, https://doi.org/10.1093/jeg/lbr012

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Child labour in the Global South evokes emotive responses often displacing the realities of material scarcity and socio-economic inequity which precipitates the use of labouring children in the working world by deprived families. From Jane Humphries brilliant, humane and imaginative account of child labour in Victorian Britain, it also seems that current debates dominating development and economic debates are devoid of historical understanding of the ways in which social and economic inequities fundamentally intersect and lead to its persistence. She shows how shifting away from child labour occurs only with sustained improvements in wages earned by men, decreased wage inequality and legislative initiatives eventually put in place to protect vulnerable workers from lengthy working days. In other words, when workplaces begun to be regulated. Understanding these historical processes is done through the lens of working children's autobiographies. Humphries caringly enlivens their life stories for us; she goes beyond, however, to creatively use this source to elicit quantitative evidence and merge a proxy household survey so that we can appreciate working-class boys and the realities of working-class families in their myriad forms.

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Lewis W. Hine: photograph of an overseer and child workers in the Yazoo City Yarn Mills

child labour

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  • Canadian Encyclopedia - Child Labour
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  • child labor - Children's Encyclopedia (Ages 8-11)
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boy at Turkey Knob Mine

child labour , employment of children of less than a legally specified age. In Europe , North America , Australia , and New Zealand , children under age 15 rarely work except in commercial agriculture, because of the effective enforcement of laws passed in the first half of the 20th century. In the United States , for example, the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 set the minimum age at 14 for employment outside of school hours in nonmanufacturing jobs, at 16 for employment during school hours in interstate commerce , and at 18 for occupations deemed hazardous.

Child labour is far more prevalent in developing countries , where millions of children—some as young as seven—still toil in quarries, mines, factories, fields, and service enterprises. They make up more than 10 percent of the labour force in some countries in the Middle East and from 2 to 10 percent in much of Latin America and some parts of Asia. Few, if any, laws govern their employment or the conditions under which work is performed. Restrictive legislation is rendered impractical by family poverty and lack of schools.

child labour

The movement to regulate child labour began in Great Britain at the close of the 18th century, when the rapid development of large-scale manufacturing made possible the exploitation of young children in mining and industrial work. The first law, in 1802, which was aimed at controlling the apprenticeship of pauper children to cotton-mill owners, was ineffective because it did not provide for enforcement. In 1833 the Factory Act did provide a system of factory inspection.

Organized international efforts to regulate child labour began with the first International Labour Conference in Berlin in 1890. Although agreement on standards was not reached at that time, similar conferences and other international moves followed. In 1900 the International Association for Labour Legislation was established at Basel, Switzerland, to promote child labour provisions as part of other international labour legislation. A report published by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) of the United Nations in 1960 on law and practice among more than 70 member nations showed serious failures to protect young workers in nonindustrial jobs, including agriculture and handicrafts. One of the ILO’s current goals is to identify and resolve the “worst forms” of child labour; these are defined as any form of labour that negatively impacts a child’s normal development. In 1992 the International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) was created as a new department of the ILO. Through programs it operates around the world, IPEC seeks the removal of children from hazardous working conditions and the ultimate elimination of child labour.

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  • Jane Humphries
  • Online ISBN: 9780511780455
  • Book DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511780455

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18 results in Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution

  • Jane Humphries , University of Oxford
  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp vii-vii
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3 - Families

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp 49-83

Introduction

Exceptional individuals, perhaps, but faced with ordinary circumstances. Is the characterization of those men who by writing their histories selected themselves for inclusion in this study accurate? This chapter is concerned with the boys' family circumstances. It investigates whether their households resembled in size and structure those thought typical of the era. Along the way, there are discoveries about the families and their internal and external relationships, for the distinctive time horizon, standpoint and focus of the autobiographies illuminate hitherto enigmatic aspects of family life.

The conventional sources and the methods developed to analyze them are not conducive to an understanding of family relationships and kin ties. Early modern household surveys coldly enumerate household members and provide bare descriptions of their relationships (‘wife’, ‘grandchild’, ‘lodger’). Families remain black boxes whose inner workings are a matter for speculation based on their outside appearances. In contrast, the autobiographies describe life within families. They deepen understanding of relationships with mothers, fathers and siblings, and, more generally, the nature of kinship and the economic and social networks that bound kin together, aspects of family life explored further in chapters 5 and 6 below. The picture that emerges provides the context for understanding key aspects of working-class childhood: reasons for starting work; nature of first job; choice of apprenticeship; and extent of schooling.

Frontmatter

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp i-vi

4 - Household economy

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp 84-124

Chapter 3 demonstrated that in terms of size and structure, the frequency with which they were extended, and the kinds of non-nuclear kin admitted, the autobiographers' families fit demographic expectations. There were also surprises: the extent of fatherlessness, the prevalence and origins of lone-mother households and the multifaceted reasons for household extension, suggesting more complex readings of duty and reward than conveyed in standard ideas about exchange and reciprocity. This chapter turns to the economic circumstances of these same families. Were they, too, typical, and, if so, how did material conditions influence the supply of child labour?

The autobiographies do not contain the kind of systematic information needed to construct indices of real wages or family incomes. But occasional evidence on the occupations and earnings of husbands and fathers can be compared with standard accounts of the male labour force and men's wages in order to check that low-paid occupations or low-paid men within those occupations are not over-sampled, thereby presenting an unduly gloomy picture. Going further, by capturing the division of labour within families and relative contributions of different family members to family income, the autobiographies provide perspective on men's jobs and wages.

Although historians have paid lip-service to the need to look beyond men's earnings and include the contributions of other family members, self-provisioning and poor relief in computations of family incomes, practical efforts in this direction are rare.

List of figures

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp viii-viii
  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp 430-439

6 - Wider kin

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp 151-171

Although most autobiographers' early lives were dominated by parents and siblings, this did not preclude meaningful relationships with grandfathers and grandmothers, uncles, aunts, cousins and other relatives. This chapter asks what roles wider kin played in children's lives and particularly how wider kin both protected children from and prepared them for the world of work.

The conventional starting point for discussion of kin ties has been the frequency of household extension. Mortality, separation, abandonment and even mobility in search of work left many nuclear households without a male head, and since men were families' main support, such loss was potentially catastrophic. Mothers also died, and as fathers found it difficult if not impossible to be both breadwinners and carers, this too threatened family break-up. Other, less desperate circumstances such as unemployment, eviction and illness left families and individuals needing help. One possible source of support was wider kin with whom asylum could be sought. As earlier chapters suggested, despite the dominance of nuclear households, a number of autobiographers' families opened their doors (and their hearts) to other kin and even (though rarely) to non-kin. This chapter looks at the frequency of and motives for family extension from the other side: the supplicants' standpoint.

While shelter was the most valuable kind of informal assistance, it also took other material and non-material forms. Together these were usually insufficient to preclude the need to apply for poor relief (Horden and Smith, 1998; Horrell and Oxley, 2000; Saaritsa, 2008a,b).

10 - Schooling

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp 306-365

Schooling in this period has been a popular topic for historians. They have frequently sought evidence, indeed inspiration, from ordinary people's accounts. David Vincent's (1981) classic study of working-class perceptions of the economic and social changes of the period and Jonathan Rose's more recent (2001) evocation of working-class intellectual life both rely heavily on working-class autobiography (see also Burnett, 1982). This chapter could not possibly supplant these excellent studies. Fortunately, its focus is different. My interest is in the relationship between education, children's work and early industrialization. The first step is to extract quantitative evidence from the memoirs for comparison with data from more conventional sources. If autobiographers' exposure to schools was consistent with what is known for the population at large, then other evidence from these accounts can be used to fill gaps in the history of schooling, to answer questions about the motives for attending school, to explore its costs and benefits and to establish the quality of education. The larger aim is to develop the idea that forms of schooling that paid off relatively cheaply, primarily because they could be combined with early employment, contributed to the economic growth of the era.

A useful starting point is how eighteenth- and nineteenth-century schooling has featured in accounts of the industrial revolution. One problem is the nature of the evidence.

2 - Sources, models, context

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp 12-48

This study uses new sources and ideas borrowed from development economics to explore the role of child labour in an updated economic history of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The starting point must be a defence of the unconventional sources: working-class autobiographies. Readers will likely be suspicious of such memoirs, especially as repositories of quantitative evidence, and they must be shown fit for purpose. Next, the chapter outlines several models of labour markets with child labour. Development economists use such models to identify conditions hostile to child labour and policies to hasten its demise, but they can also illuminate circumstances in which historically child labour might have increased, involved younger children and spread to hitherto exempt sectors of the economy. The third section sketches in the background: the British industrial revolution. There is no attempt to summarize the massive literature and ongoing debates. The mainstream view of the industrial revolution has undergone extensive revision in recent years. The current conventional wisdom downplays the importance of the cotton industry and of factories, factors earlier considered instrumental in promoting child labour. Nonetheless, new interpretations leave room for an extension and intensification of children's work. The argument of this book goes further. The claim is that a more gradual industrial revolution, sanitized by the relegation of dark satanic mills to a lesser role, nonetheless retained at its heart and pulsing through its life-blood this shameful feature of its older heroic variant.

5 - Family relationships

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp 125-150

Autobiography, for all its defects, is unusual in allowing historians inside the working-class family. It is a poor memoir that does not afford glimpses inside the home or offer some commentary on the meaning of family relationships. Historians have plumbed many reminiscences, including several that feature in this investigation, for what they reveal about family life (Vincent, 1981; Ross, 1993). Since this has been done, and done with skill and elegance, duplication is unnecessary. What does deserve further attention is the way in which family relationships conditioned the availability of children to work and the welfare implications of their labour. This suggests three areas for investigation (each with an associated research question): first, the economic circumstances of the families and their levels of economic need (was poverty the main cause of child labour?); second, altruism (did parents love their children and have their welfare in mind?); and, third, authority (were these families dominated by the husband/father who made the decision when and where a child went to work?).

Earlier chapters have established that while demographically and materially representative, the families of the autobiographers were insecure and often needy. Chief among the circumstances leading to poverty was ‘breadwinner frailty’. Families, even before the era of the classic industrial revolution, had become dependent on a male breadwinner and characterized by a division of labour between mothers and fathers usually associated with a later time and a more developed economy.

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp 210-255

While continuing to exploit the rich detail on early employment, this chapter turns attention from age and circumstances of starting work to the jobs undertaken, and to recruitment, remuneration and motivation. The chapter begins by identifying the most popular jobs for children and exploring how these related to adult jobs and to the organization of work. Next, the distribution of first jobs is compressed into the same broad occupational categories used earlier, and these are studied over time and in comparison with fathers' jobs to uncover the differences between child and adult labour and how these differences developed. Comparisons can test for the emergence of an exclusively child labour market devoted to part-time and seasonal work and marginal to the main industrial and agricultural activities and so establish whether the mid-nineteenth century saw an ‘adulting’ of the labour force and the segmentation and ultimate disappearance of children's work (Coninck Smith et al ., 1997; Cunningham, 2000).

Inter-generational comparisons between fathers' and sons' occupational distributions highlight the micro-processes at work in the restructuring of the British economy during the industrial revolution. The extent to which sons in particular groups followed in their fathers' footsteps and fathers in particular groups recruited their sons suggests different patterns of expansion and contraction and different levels of self-recruitment across the occupational groups.

List of tables

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp ix-x

9 - Apprenticeship

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp 256-305

While child labour has generally been condemned, the attitude to its combination with on-the-job training, as in an apprenticeship, is more ambivalent. The classic economists were famously suspicious of apprenticeship, and modern economic historians have followed their lead in interpreting it as a hangover from a pre-modern immutable world dominated by monopolistic guilds and restrictive corporation. The recent rethinking of guilds and their economic role has spilled over into renewed interest in apprenticeship and a less negative stance on its contribution to economic growth (Ward, 1997; Epstein, 1998; Humphries, 2003; De Munck et al ., 2007). This chapter uses the autobiographers' experience both to fill gaps in historians' account of apprenticeship and to explore its role in the British industrial revolution.

Classic apprenticeship involved indentures which bound master and apprentice for a pre-specified period during which the master undertook to teach the apprentice, provide him with board and lodging, introduce him to the modus operandi of his trade and safeguard his moral welfare. In return, the apprentice promised to work for his master as he trained and sometimes provided a premium or cash payment. While apprenticeship's legal history is well known, few historians have been willing to estimate its quantitative significance and changes in its popularity over time.

The accounts offer insight into basic trends. Apprenticeship was widely thought to be of vital importance both to boys' prospects and to families' futures.

Further reading

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp 374-429

1 - Introduction

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp 1-11

‘Perhaps as I tell you my story, which, with variations, is the story of hundreds of thousands of my East End neighbours and of millions of my brothers all over the country, you will begin to understand’ (Thorne, 1925?, p. 13). Will Thorne was born (1857) into poverty and illiterate until adulthood. He wrote his autobiography, fittingly titled My Life's Battles , to provide his readers with the background for his views and to explain his lifetime commitment to socialism. Thorne was branded, as he acknowledged, by his bitter experiences as a child worker. Such experiences were far from unique. Thorne's story, along with more than 600 other working-class autobiographies, constitutes the basis for this study. Quantitative and qualitative analysis of these memoirs provides new insight into the role that child labour played in the British industrial revolution and thereby into the process of industrialization itself.

The child worker was a central if pitiful figure in both contemporary and classic accounts of the British industrial revolution, but in modern economic history, the children who toiled in early mills, mines and manufactories have become invisible. The standard economic history textbook (Floud and Johnson, 2004), contains only five references to child employment, all but one of which derive from the rather peripheral chapter on ‘Household Economy’. As a topic of research, children's role in industrialization has become passé (Bolin-Hort, 1989). Clark Nardinelli's (1990) revisionist interpretation provided an exception that shocked traditional historians.

7 - Starting work

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp 172-209

The great virtue of approaching child labour through autobiography is the ability to see the issue in context, to be able to trace the labour supply to its origins in family and community. Chapter 2 suggested a number of interconnections between child labour and the economic and social changes of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and concluded that the industrial revolution, as now understood, may well have both unleashed a boom in children's work and itself been fed by children's work. The current chapter explores this hypothesis at the micro-level in terms of factors that likely promoted or retarded entry into the labour force such as social norms, a child's family circumstances and local employment opportunities. In so doing, it builds on key findings from earlier chapters: first, an apparent precocious dependence on men and men's earnings, manifest in attitudes to mothers and fathers and perceptions of their duties; and, second, the extent of fatherlessness, and particularly de facto fatherlessness, in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Together these two features imply a ‘breadwinner frailty’. Dependence on men's earnings meant that the loss or interruption of male support, an all too common experience in these years, jeopardized families' survival. Like its close relation ‘nuclear hardship’, the precocious adoption of this particular family form left individuals vulnerable when families failed. Unless the authorities were prepared to let mothers and children perish (and they were not) an alternative system of support was needed.

11 - Conclusions

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp 366-373

This book has explored more than 600 autobiographies by men who lived through the British industrial revolution and described their labour as children, their childhoods, their family and social connections, their careers and their schooling. It has searched these accounts for patterns and relationships. What has this prosopography revealed?

The autobiographies suggest that the classic era of industrialization, 1790–1850, saw an upsurge in child labour. This finding is consistent with other recent studies, which have reaffirmed the importance of children's work in the industrial revolution. Moreover, the evidence is equally emphatic, and again in line with other recent findings, that child labour was endemic in the early industrial economy, entrenched in both traditional and modern sectors and widespread geographically.

It is hardly surprising that agriculture, small-scale manufacturing, and services should provide the majority of jobs for children. After all (as the new view of the industrial revolution emphasizes), these sectors, along with customary methods of production, dominated the developing economy, with factories and mechanization but tiny islands of modernity until well into the nineteenth century. Ironically, recognition of child labour's importance in traditional employments has coincided with a new appreciation for the role of agriculture, small-scale manufacturing and services in industrialization and so has helped to restore child workers to the centre of the economic stage.

However, child labour was not supplied passively to farms, workshops, domestic enterprises, shops and offices.

  • Book: Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution Published online: 06 December 2010 Print publication: 24 June 2010 , pp xi-xiv

This book has been a long time in the writing. One reason is that it began life as something else. I wanted to investigate the age at which children started work in the era of industrialization, and searching for a source of information that could track back into the eighteenth century, I stumbled on writings by working men in which they reminisced about their first jobs and the reasons for their entry into the labour force. I decided to search the now extensive body of known working-class autobiography and extract quantitative information on age at starting work, first jobs and so on, a laborious task to be sure but using a source which promised to provide information about individuals and span the now elongated era of industrialization and therefore of great value. A deeper interest has always been the interface between the family and the economy: how the family both responds to economic opportunities and moulds economic development. Children stand side by side with women at this margin. This ambiguous position has governed children's meaning and importance as they have made the transition from contributors to family resources and social insurance for parents to the expensive luxury consumption goods that they constitute today. Historians have neglected children's metamorphosis yet it is surely one of the social and economic revolutions of modern times, though here again, as the dismal catalogue of recent cases of appalling abuse makes clear, even in rich economies with well-developed welfare states not all children have managed to become the ‘priceless’ possessions that modernity promises.

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Child Labour During the Industrial Revolution

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  • Topic: Industrial Revolution

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