The second year of life may be a critical time when children recognize and prefer people who have more resources, new UC Berkeley research shows. Those biases can last a lifetime.
Key takeaways
Income and wealth inequality in the U.S. remain near all-time highs. Analysts say this disparity is a “major issue of our time.” Experts have spotlighted deep policy failures fueling the problem and helpful economic fixes to alleviate the suffering.
Now researchers say our biases favoring the rich over the poor may take root earlier than was previously believed — perhaps when we are very young toddlers.
A new study led by a UC Berkeley psychologist suggests that biases for those with more resources can be traced to beliefs formed as young as 14 months. However, researchers say a preference for richer people may not necessarily be driven by kids’ positive evaluations of them.
Instead, it might be caused by a negative assessment of those with less.
“Taken together, this suggests that somewhere early in this second year of life — 12 to 15 months of age — we’re really seeing the development of these wealth-based biases come into play,” said Arianne Eason, a UC Berkeley assistant professor of psychology and the paper’s lead author. “And once they come in, they are relatively strong.”
The research findings were published this month in the Journal of Experimental Psychology: General.
Through a series of seven experiments, the team measured how toddlers demonstrated preferences for people with differing amounts of particular kinds of resources they desired — toys and snacks. Besides a bias toward the more “wealthy” person who had more resources, the children showed dislike and avoidance for those whom researchers labeled in the experiments as the “poorer” individuals.
Together, the results point to the deep-seated ways humans form ideas about what to value.
The research was partly inspired by Eason’s previous work with children. In graduate school, Eason worked in a lab that studied how infants and children thought resources were and should be distributed. That research consistently demonstrated that young toddlers and preschoolers generally preferred people who distributed resources equally. Wealth-based biases, in contrast, were thought at the time to emerge later in development, perhaps through direct conversations and socialization.
But Eason increasingly wondered less about how people distribute resources and more about how children understood the mere possession of them. To find answers, Eason and her collaborators focused on young children at an age when learning about the social world happens rapidly.
To begin, they needed to determine whether toddlers even retained information about who had more items that were a proxy for “wealth.” They introduced 35 children to two people in a room, both of whom had a clear bowl. One of the bowls was filled with things like toys or snacks; the other was almost empty.
They may have actually had a dispreference for poor people. Arianne Eason, UC Berkeley
Later, each person brought out a new bowl and left the room. This time, though, the bowls were opaque. While the participants couldn’t see how many items were in the bowls — or if there were any toys or snacks at all — they were significantly more likely to select the bowl belonging to the person who had previously had more. It was clear that the young toddlers could retain that information.
Next, researchers wanted to test what they did with the knowledge and how it factored into deciding who to help when grown-ups had a shortage of resources — in this case, blocks to build a tower. Toddlers were more likely to choose the person who earlier in the study had more resources. That indicated a longer-lasting preference for those individuals who were wealthier.
Over and over, the children showed that they tracked wealth, preferred to help those who were richer and were more likely to play with those who had more resources.
The rich kept coming out ahead.
“It’s very clear that toddlers can track well and have these behavioral preferences in favor of people who have more,” Eason said, adding that the effects were diminished for those younger than about 13 months of age.
The team then tracked the eye movements of the young toddlers as a video played on a screen. An adult on the screen doled out unequal amounts of resources — Legos and crackers, this time. Initially, the children’s gaze was barely different. But then they listened to either a positive recording that said of the adult in the video, “She’s a good girl, she did a good job,” or a negative one that said, “She’s a bad girl, she did a bad job.”
The ones who heard the positive message spent their time looking equally at the rich and the poor individuals. Meanwhile, those in the negative message group focused more of their attention on the poorer person.
Just because wealth biases occur in the second year of life doesn’t mean that that has to be the way the world is. Arianne Eason
“It’s not that toddlers had a preference for rich people,” Eason said. “They may have actually had a dispreference for poor people.”
Eason and her co-authors say their work shows that undoing wealth inequality will require a concentrated effort among adults to change the way young children think about and act toward poorer people. That must happen, they say, with the help of people and institutions in the kids’ lives who can help combat the negative attitudes that children begin noticing around the time they’re learning to walk.
“These are early-ingrained tendencies,” Eason said. “That means we have to work hard to undo them and put in a lot of concerted effort. But that doesn’t mean we should shy away from it.”
To be sure, part of the wealth-based bias could be linked to evolution, she said. Perhaps humans naturally gravitate toward those with resources that will help keep them alive.
But Eason said there’s more at play. Her research points to systemic ways we should begin thinking about inequality, and the origin of that wealth-based bias “starting point.” That’s the only way to combat the biases among many adults that benefit the wealthy and perpetuate policies against the poor.
“Just because wealth biases occur in the second year of life doesn’t mean that that has to be the way the world is,” Eason said. “We are highly flexible as people. We can build policies that go against some of our initial tendencies in order to create the outcomes we want to see.”
Walgreens sees a long runway for its two-year-old clinical trials business as it doubles down on its core retail pharmacy operations.
Ramita Tandon, chief clinical trials officer, shared insights about Walgreens' strategy to ramp up its clinical research capabilities during TD Cowen’s recent 9th Annual FutureHealth Conference FutureHealth Conference FutureHealth Conference.
The retail pharmacy giant says it has reached more than five million patients to potentially recruit into clinical trials since launching the business in June 2022 . The company's clinical trial unit now works with 25 unique customers across biopharma, academic institutions, non-profit and government partners and has signed more than 35 clinical trial contracts. Walgreens has inked partnerships with drugmakers including Freenome, Prothena and Boehringer Ingelheim to use its community pharmacies as clinical trial sites.
The company also recently inked a five-year pact with the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority (BARDA) to boost innovation and access for decentralized clinical trials. The five-year deal means BARDA—part of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services—will use Walgreen’s clinical trials ecosystem.
The company aims to leverage its national presence, community relationships and data-driven clinical trials solutions to help identify and reach potential study participants for clinical trials. The overall aim is to increase enrollment and diversity in drug development research.
"We launched our clinical trials business in June of 2022 with the idea of just redefining that patient experience and really looking at ways to tackle the issues around lack of patient access and lack of representation that has plagued our industry for a very long time," Tandon told investors during the conference fireside chat. "Our focus has been, 'How do we get access to patients faster? How do we improve the representation in clinical in the drug development process?'"
Walgreens' work in the past two years is "proving out" the value of its assets and capabilities to support pharma partners with clinical research, she said.
"We wanted to design the business model that would look to sort of solve some of the pain points that pharma faces as they think about their R&D portfolio and as they think about their trials. A big part of the pain point is finding patients for trials, getting those trials done in an efficient fashion so they can get to the FDA for approval," she said. "We organized our business model around three key service offerings. The first one is around what we call insights-driven patient recruitment, and that's really accessing the Walgreens direct patient access of 100 million lives and helping pharma to help identify those right patient populations."
Walgreens sits on what Tandon refers to as "a live breathing network" of patients and the company's clinical trials unit can index those patients by race, gender, ethnicity, social determinants of health, even by zip code, she noted.
"We're applying a lot of precision to how we find those patients. Because we're a [HIPAA] covered entity, it allows us to then outreach, which puts us in a very unique position. Not only can we find those patients, we then have the ability to outreach to those patients directly," she added.
Walgreens' patient-level insights enables it to create "more culturally relevant outreach modalities," Tandon noted. "We're using that insight to help us get patients interested in wanting to participate," she said.
The company, which has a footprint of 8,600 retail stores, leverages these locations to help biopharma companies conduct clinical trials.
"We created a flexible set of options, because we know from a trials perspective, trial design, patient populations, the disease conditions, are not all the same. The communities that we serve across Walgreens are not the same, so the way they consume information is not the same," Tandon said.
Many Walgreens' pharmacy locations have private health rooms, "anywhere from 500 square feet to 5,000 square feet, with multiple exam rooms that enables patients to come in and be educated about what a clinical trial is," she said.
"We then take them further in the journey where they can actually have clinical trial services, screening, diagnostics and blood draws. The idea, again, is to be able to tackle the issues around accessibility, because historically, and to some extent today, many patients are unable to get to the academic medical centers or physician practices because they're too far. They can be anywhere from an hour an hour and a half, and that's posing a lot of barriers for broader participation in research," Tandon told investors.
Walgreens also offers hybrid services to use on-site locations while also digitizing aspects of the clinical research workflow.
The company also offers capabilities to take the clinical trial services to a patient's home. "We're actually sending up nurses, study coordinators and other healthcare professionals, while the physicians are able to provide the oversight via telehealth. That flexibility allows our patients opportunities to participate in the drug development process," she said.
Walgreens also offers pharma partners real-world evidence informatics. "That's about tapping into the information that we have on our consumers and patients to help pharma as they think about their evidence generation planning and as they're looking to understand patient populations, treatment regimens, and then also prospectively, as they're looking to collect data on, whether it's qualitative or quantitative, post market," she said.
And Tandon believes there is an enormous market opportunity for Walgreens' clinical research business. The total worldwide R&D spend of pharmaceutical and biotechnology companies is estimated to be $150 billion, according to recent research. The leading 20 global pharmaceutical companies collectively spent $145 billion on R&D in 2023, up 4.5% from 2022, according to Deloitte data.
Data from IQVIA indicates that R&D funding by biopharma companies grew to $72 billion in 2023 , an 18% increase from $61 billion in 2022.
"As we step back and look at the overall addressable market, from the types of outsource services that we're in today, from an R%D perspective is healthy and it's growing. As we think about just the overall R&D investments, it's about $150 billion and 50% of that's being spent in outsourced services. From our perspective, there's tremendous growth for Walgreens to continue down the space and to be able to support pharma and capture these services," Tandon told investors.
The growing clinical trials business is a "big part" of Walgreens' overall strategy, she noted.
"It's about building on the core capabilities of the Walgreens ecosystem and the assets and continue to drive value differentiation for our partners. As we think about the future of clinical trials and where that's heading, certainly, we're going to continue to see the momentum of decentralization of clinical research and getting closer into communities and closer where the patients are," she said. "Walgreens is very uniquely positioned to help support in that momentum. We're going to start to see more improvement in representation in clinical trials and making sure that therapies and new diagnostics are beneficial for all patients across the U.S."
Walgreens is focused on turning around its business and improving its financial performance. The pharmacy chain operator is undergoing a strategic review of its business, including the role of its retail pharmacy stores and its healthcare assets, as company leadership and the board plot the future direction of the company, CEO Tim Wentworth said back in March at the 44th Annual TD Cowen Health Care Conference.
Walgreens went through a massive growth spurt in which it acquired home healthcare business CareCentrix and VillageMD's acquisition of Summit Health-CityMD.
The company is on track with cost-cutting initiatives that aim to cut $1 billion in expenses this year. That effort also includes slashing capital expenditures by about $600 million.
Wentworth cautioned investors earlier this year that the company's work to improve its financial performance would not be a "12-month turnaround story."
"This is not a quick story, but I believe that it will be a highly sustained story because the other thing that's very clear to me in every conversation I have is that a large-scale, community-based, engagement-driven, trusted brand has a meaningful role to play in healthcare over the next 20 or 30 years," Wentworth said back in March.
Wentworth seemed bullish about the potential for Walgreens' clinical research recruitment business.
"We're able to recruit diverse patient panels four times faster than pharma can do it themselves. Speed matters when you're doing trials. And, we get paid for it and it's a variable cost business. We hire humans and we use our data to deliver that value to pharma. We aren't buying clinics and building brick-and-mortar do it," Wentworth said. "These sorts of things, while any one of them may not look like it's 10% of our underlying earnings, is highly capital efficient, and two or three of those added together suddenly starts becoming a meaningful part of our growth story."
The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is taking steps to increase racial and ethnic diversity in clinical trials given that 20% of drugs have a variation in responses across ethnic groups, yet 75% of clinical trial participants are white, while only 11% are Hispanic and fewer than 10% are Black and Asian.
Walgreens is proving out that it can use its community reach to increase patient enrollment as well as racial and ethnic diversity in sponsor-led drug development research. More than 75% of Americans live within five miles of a Walgreens, according to the company.
Walgreens is able to use real-world data insights to recruit a more diverse patient population for clinical trials compared to national benchmarks, executives say.
"From a Walgreens perspective, we're in a very unique position, because we have direct access to diverse patient populations, we're in communities that most are not. It's a natural way to help pharma be able to solve some of those issues. The good news is we're seeing a lot of intentionality behind the design and the operational execution and the need to go after patients and communities that have never been tapped into in the past. It's a big point of differentiation for us as we help support pharma in this effort," Tandon told investors.
Walgreens has published case studies from its most recent clinical research work to highlight its enrollment efforts.
In one Phase 3 vaccine study, Walgreens exceeded the 5,000-referral goal in less than 16 weeks of study start, Tandon noted. The company's efforts to recruit patients also doubled the rate of diverse patient generation. The FDA’s 2020 Drug Trial Snapshot Report identifies an enrollment rate of 8% Black/African American patients and 11% Hispanic/Latino patients for clinical trials. With this study, Walgreens recruited between "15% to 18%" of patients in Black/African American and Hispanic/Latino communities, Tandon noted.
The company's work with Prothena to recruit patients for Alzheimer's drug research also has delivered promising results to increase diversity in clinical research. Walgreens delivered referrals that are 21% Hispanic/Latino for the Alzheimer’s disease study, that's nearly double when compared to the national average of study participation.
"What that's showing is that because we have access to diverse patient populations, we have the ability to quickly identify those patients and be able to match those patients to trials faster than you know what the industry's been able to do so far," Tandon said.
Do penises shrink with age study reveals answer to age-old question.
A medical expert has finally answered the question that has plagued “most men”: can your penis actually shrink?
Sure, there are arguably bigger things in the world to worry about, but apparently that hasn’t stopped the male species from fretting about their manhoods for far too long.
While it’s not technically possible for penises to dramatically reduce, it turns out there are a string of different factors that can affects a man’s erection result, making it smaller than it once was during times of performance.
Mary Samplaski, MD, urologist and the director of male infertility at the University of Southern California, said warned a man’s age and lifestyle choices could have a negative effect on a penis’ ability to maintain a consistent level of tumescence.
Tumescence is the medical term that refers to the normal engorgement with blood of the erectile tissues, marking sexual excitation, and possible readiness for sexual activity.
“There’s not really a medical tool for measuring penis shrinkage,” says Dr. Samplaski told Men’s Health .
“What we do know is that smoking and age can cause a decline in testosterone production.”
Studies show smoking can damage the blood vessels and hinder proper blood flow – which in turn can have a knock-on effect on erections.
While doctors don’t fully understand the connection between testosterone and erectile dysfunction, research suggests that a decline in testosterone can affect the strength of erections.
Dr. Samplaski also said that conditions such as cardiac disease, diabetes, or thyroid issues can cause changes in erectile strength.
Obesity can be another culprit. Dr. Samplaski explained that fat contains an enzyme that converts testosterone into oestrogen, which can cause erectile issues and testicular shrinkage.
“Exercise is a natural means of achieving a rise in a man’s testosterone. Testosterone is important for the health and wellbeing of the male functional organs,” she told the publication.
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Bizarrely, having “too much” sex is also cited as being able to decrease the size of a man’s junk over time as excessive sexual activity can lead to injuries, which could cause a build-up of scar tissue.
However, despite the potential for loss in size, penis shrinkage is incredibly rare, medical experts warn.
It comes 18 months after it was found that the average penis length has increased by 24 per cent over the past 30 years.
This may sound like good news, but researchers behind the study published in the World Journal of Men’s Health last year warned it’s actually a “concerning” discovery.
“Any overall change in development is concerning, because our reproductive system is one of the most important pieces of human biology,” Dr. Michael Eisenberg, the study’s author, told Stanford Medicine’s blog Scope at the time.
“If we’re seeing this fast of a change, it means that something powerful is happening to our bodies.”
The alarming data was obtained from 75 studies conducted with over 55,000 men between 1992 to 2021 which analysed the length of an erect penis.
“Erect penile length is getting longer, from an average of 4.8 inches (12.1cm) to 6 inches (15.2cm), over the past 29 years,” Dr. Eisenberg said.
More research is needed to confirm the findings and “determine the cause” of the changes.
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Information & authors, metrics & citations, view options, methods and results, conclusions, nonstandard abbreviations and acronyms, clinical perspective, what is new, what are the clinical implications, study design and setting, participant recruitment.
Ethics and approval, statistical analysis.
Total cohort | CVD during follow‐up | value | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
(N=4927) | Yes (n=320) | No (n=4607) | ||
Age, y±SD | 70.4±0.2 | 70.4±0.1 | 70.4±0.2 | <0.001 |
Sex, male, N (%) | 2231 (45.3%) | 206 (64.4%) | 2025 (44.0%) | <0.001 |
Weight, kg±SD | 77.1±14.6 | 79.7±14.4 | 76.9±14.6 | 0.001 |
Height, cm±SD | 170±9.2 | 171±9 | 169±9 | 0.04 |
Body mass index, m/kg ±SD | 26.8±4.6 | 27.4±5.6 | 26.7±4.5 | 0.01 |
Education, N (%) | <0.001 | |||
<9 y elementary school | 335 (6.8%) | 43 (13.4%) | 292 (6.3%) | |
≥9 y elementary school | 296 (6.0%) | 11 (3.4%) | 285 (6.2%) | |
2 y secondary high school | 1386 (28.1%) | 92 (28.7%) | 1294 (28.1%) | |
>2 y secondary high school | 535 (10.9%) | 37 (11.6%) | 498 (10.8%) | |
Education after secondary high school | 2371 (48.1%) | 136 (42.5%) | 2235 (48.5%) | |
Current smoker, N (%) | 242 (4.9%) | 20 (6.3%) | 222 (4.8%) | 0.25 |
Diagnoses at baseline, N (%) | ||||
Diabetes or antidiabetic drugs | 412 (8.4%) | 34 (10.6%) | 378 (8.2%) | 0.13 |
Fracture | 829 (16.8%) | 44 (13.8%) | 785 (17.0%) | 0.13 |
Depression or antidepressants | 870 (17.7%) | 45 (14.1%) | 825 (17.9%) | 0.08 |
Medications, N (%) | ||||
Antihypertensives | 2893 (58.7%) | 226 (70.6%) | 2667 (57.9%) | <0.001 |
Anticoagulants | 1335 (27.1%) | 133 (41.6%) | 1202 (26.1%) | <0.001 |
Statins | 1716 (34.8%) | 126 (39.4%) | 1590 (34.5%) | 0.08 |
Risk factors, mean±SD | ||||
Systolic blood pressure, mm Hg | 138±17 | 140±16 | 138±17 | 0.06 |
Diastolic blood pressure, mm Hg | 83±9 | 82±9 | 83±9 | 0.06 |
Blood‐glucose, mmol/L | 5.7±1.0 | 5.7±1.1 | 5.7±1.0 | 0.38 |
Total cohort | Test with eyes open | value | Test with eyes open | value | Test with eyes closed | value | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
CVD during follow‐up | CVD during follow‐up | |||||||||
Men | Women | Yes | No | Yes | No | |||||
N=4927 | N=2231 | N=2696 | N=314 | N=4524 | N=317 | N=4516 | ||||
Balance measures | ||||||||||
Lateral | ||||||||||
Sway, mm | −2.8±11.4 | −3.1±11.7 | −2.6±11.0 | 0.14 | −0.3±10.8 | −3.0±11.4 | <0.001 | 0.4±11.8 | −2.7±11.6 | <0.001 |
Sway mm variation, SD | 2.5±1.6 | 2.7±1.5 | 2.4±1.6 | <0.001 | 2.7±1.4 | 2.5±1.5 | 0.03 | 3.4±2.1 | 3.2±2.0 | 0.03 |
Sway velocity, mm/s | 2.8±1.6 | 3.0±1.9 | 2.7±1.1 | <0.001 | 2.8±1.0 | 2.8±1.3 | 0.88 | 4.5±3.2 | 4.3±2.8 | 0.16 |
Sway velocity variation, SD | 2.3±1.4 | 2.5±1.6 | 2.2±1.2 | <0.001 | 2.3±1.0 | 2.3±1.2 | 0.81 | 3.8±2.9 | 3.6±2.5 | 0.28 |
Anterior–posterior | ||||||||||
Sway, mm | −23.0±15.8 | −22.3±15.6 | −23.6±16.0 | 0.003 | −23.3±15.6 | −22.9±15.8 | 0.62 | −22.4±14.3 | −22.4±14.7 | 0.96 |
Sway mm variation, SD | 3.8±1.6 | 4.2±1.7 | 3.6±1.5 | <0.001 | 3.8±1.4 | 3.8±1.6 | 0.78 | 6.8±2.8 | 6.4±2.8 | 0.006 |
Sway velocity, mm/s | 4.6±2.1 | 5.1±2.5 | 4.2±1.6 | <0.001 | 4.7±1.6 | 4.5±1.9 | 0.22 | 11.7±7.2 | 10.4±6.0 | 0.02 |
Sway velocity variation, SD | 3.8±1.9 | 4.2±2.2 | 3.4±1.5 | <0.001 | 3.8±1.5 | 3.7±1.7 | 0.22 | 9.4±6.2 | 8.6±5.1 | 0.03 |
Trace length, mm±SD | 351±159 | 386±193 | 322±117 | <0.001 | 352±113 | 345±139 | 0.40 | 773±490 | 711±405 | 0.03 |
Safety limit of stability, mm±SD | 44±20 | 47±21 | 42±19 | <0.001 | 45±21 | 44±20 | 0.49 | 41±21 | 41±20 | 0.87 |
Test with eyes open | Test with eyes closed | |||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Unadjusted model | Adjusted model | Unadjusted model | Adjusted model | |||||||||
HR | 95% CI | value | HR | 95% CI | value | HR | 95% CI | value | HR | 95% CI | value | |
Balance measures | ||||||||||||
Lateral | ||||||||||||
Sway, per mm | 1.012 | 1.002–1.022 | 0.02 | 1.014 | 1.004–1.025 | 0.005 | 1.014 | 1.004–1.024 | 0.006 | 1.015 | 1.005–1.025 | 0.002 |
Sway mm variation, per SD | 1.032 | 0.978–1.089 | 0.25 | 1.030 | 0.968–1.096 | 0.34 | 1.026 | 0.991–1.061 | 0.14 | 1.018 | 0.979–1.060 | 0.37 |
Sway velocity, per mm/s | 1.023 | 0.942–1.110 | 0.59 | 1.000 | 0.913–1.094 | 0.99 | 1.021 | 0.991–1.053 | 0.17 | 1.004 | 0.968–1.041 | 0.83 |
Sway velocity variation, per SD | 1.024 | 0.941–1.116 | 0.58 | 1.008 | 0.920–1.106 | 0.86 | 1.019 | 0.983–1.057 | 0.31 | 1.000 | 0.957–1.044 | 0.99 |
Anterior–posterior | ||||||||||||
Sway per mm | 0.998 | 0.991–1.005 | 0.53 | 0.997 | 0.990–1.004 | 0.39 | 0.999 | 0.991–1.006 | 0.77 | 0.998 | 0.991–1.006 | 0.67 |
Sway mm variation, per SD | 1.014 | 0.949–1.084 | 0.69 | 0.994 | 0.925–1.067 | 0.86 | 1.022 | 1.000–1.044 | 0.04 | 1.009 | 0.981–1.039 | 0.53 |
Sway velocity, per mm/s | 1.065 | 1.012–1.121 | 0.02 | 1.020 | 0.964–1.083 | 0.47 | 1.011 | 1.002–1.020 | 0.01 | 1.006 | 0.994–1.018 | 0.36 |
Sway velocity variation, per SD | 1.062 | 1.005–1.121 | 0.03 | 1.008 | 0.920–1.106 | 0.86 | 1.014 | 1.003–1.026 | 0.02 | 1.007 | 0.992–1.022 | 0.36 |
Trace length, per mm | 1.001 | 1.000–1.001 | 0.06 | 1.000 | 0.999–1.001 | 0.63 | 1.000 | 1.000–1.000 | 0.02 | 1.000 | 1.000–1.000 | 0.45 |
Safety limit of stability, per mm | 1.024 | 0.941–1.116 | 0.58 | 1.000 | 0.994–1.007 | 0.87 | 1.000 | 0.994–1.006 | 0.99 | 1.000 | 0.994–1.006 | 1.00 |
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By Hub staff report
Healthy adults age 21-55 are needed to take part in a Johns Hopkins research study. The study will require nine total visits to the lab, located at Johns Hopkins Bayview Medical Center.
Participants will first complete an in-person screening session (occurs over two days) to determine study eligibility. Participants who are eligible and agree to be in the study will complete seven drug administration sessions, each lasting about 10 hours. In these sessions, participants will eat a brownie that contains cannabis and consume alcohol and then complete various tests to measure different aspects of performance.
Those who complete the study can earn up to $2,660.
Call 410-550-0050 for details. You can also click on this link to see if you may be eligible.
Principal Investigator: Tory Spindle, PhD IRB00290015
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1 Department of Social Work, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA, USA
2 National Rehabilitation Research and Training (RRT) Center on Family Support, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA, USA
Ageism may have harmful effects on the psychological well-being of older adults, leading to mental health issues, such as depression and anxiety. However, there are insufficient data to establish this hypothesis, and most work on the subject has appeared only in the form of conceptual or theoretical papers. This study reviewed quantitative studies of the relationship between ageism and psychological well-being of older adults. We conducted a comprehensive review using searches of academic databases, the grey literature, hand searches, and reference mining. A total of thirteen articles were selected using the inclusion criteria. All the reviewed studies showed a negative association between ageism and the psychological well-being of older adults. The study confirmed a negative association between ageism and older adults’ psychological well-being, finding that older adults with a high level of psychological well-being may be less negatively affected by ageism, especially those who were proud of their age group, experienced less negative emotions, were more optimistic about aging and their future, were more self-confident about their bodies, and were flexible in setting goals. The identified mediators of the association can inform intervention development to the effects of ageism and improve older adults’ psychological well-being.
Growing older involves gaining maturity and becoming a more responsible and respectful adult. The process of aging can be viewed unfavorably by some people, who view it pessimistically, and this reduces the pleasure they may have gained from their own growth ( Kang, 2020 ). Aging is often considered to be a challenging process, during which individuals lose their confidence and experience a loss of productivity ( Schafer & Shippee, 2009 ). Significant declines in social and cultural status have been observed in older adults over the past century as a result of industrialization and modernization ( Aboderin, 2004 ; Nelson, 2005 ). The industrial age and technological advancements have increased the need for people to work efficiently and quickly to remain competitive ( Tuomi et al., 1997 ). These changes have had the effect of decreasing the need for and visibility of older adults’ activities ( Solem, 2005 ).
A growing body of research has observed an increase in negative attitudes toward older individuals over the years ( Nelson, 2005 ; Scharlach et al., 2000 ). Several studies have shown that members of the younger generations now exhibit more negative views and attitudes toward older adults than was previously the case ( North & Fiske, 2012 ). Negative beliefs and attitudes towards older adults are increasingly prevalent, which may add to the barriers that older adults face when seeking employment ( Skirbekk, 2004 ). Consequently, older adults are often considered to be merely passive recipients of welfare, and they may even be accused of being a burden to younger generations ( Hudson, 2012 ). The belief that older adults are less valuable or of no interest to society may contribute to ageism.
Ageism is stereotyping, prejudice, and discriminatory actions or attitudes based on chronological age ( Iversen et al., 2009 ). Ageism, therefore, can be operationalized as stereotypes, prejudices, and discrimination, and each of those components, individually, can be seen as cognitive, affective, and behavioral ( Iversen et al., 2009 ). Consequently, age stereotypes are fixed beliefs that overgeneralize the characteristics, attributes, and behaviors held in common by a particular group ( Whitley & Kite, 2006 ). Age stereotypes can contribute to assumptions about a person’s physical and mental capabilities, social skills, political and religious beliefs, and other traits based on their age ( World Health Organization, 2021 ). A prejudice is a negative or positive emotional reaction to a person based on their perceived affiliation with a particular group ( World Health Organization, 2021 ). Age prejudice is one of the most socially vocalized and institutionalized prejudices in many segments of society, and it is disregarded in numerous aspects of social life ( Nelson, 2005 ). A discriminatory act is characterized primarily by distorted behavior that treats individuals in a non-constructive manner ( Dovidio et al., 2011 ). Age discrimination is behavior directed at people based on their age, including actions, practices, and policies ( World Health Organization, 2021 ).
Ageism is a very serious issue. While it can theoretically be directed toward any age group, the vast majority of studies focus on older adults or late adolescents ( Nelson, 2005 ). Although ageism can be shown in terms of positive stereotypes or attitudes, it is most closely associated with negative stereotypes or attitudes ( Palmore, 1999 ). Ageism can manifest in two main ways: implicitly, through unconscious thoughts, feelings, and behaviors, or explicitly, through intentional actions or verbal expressions triggered by conscious awareness ( Iversen et al., 2009 ). Furthermore, ageism is not restricted to directed toward others but can also be self-directed ( Ayalon & Tesch-römer, 2017 ). Exposure to ageism over time can result in the internalization of ageist attitudes and stereotypes, as described by Levy (2009) in stereotype embodiment theory. Many older adults tend to internalize the negative stereotypes of ageism that continue to be perpetuated throughout society today and tend to confine themselves to age-related stereotypes, becoming weak, unhealthy, and even less able to accept new learning opportunities ( Streb et al., 2008 ).
Internalized age stereotypes may lead to low levels of self-esteem and self-confidence ( Orth et al., 2010 ), and it may affect older adults’ health negatively ( Emile et al., 2014 ), especially with regard to their mental health and well-being ( Bryant et al., 2012 ). An individual who believes that they are too old may be more susceptible to the negative consequences of ageism, which may include decreased self-efficacy and increased negative emotions ( Eibach et al., 2010 ). The converse may also be true, as positive perceptions and attitudes on aging may have beneficial effects on psychological well-being ( Bryant et al., 2012 ). Older adults who have experienced discrimination based upon their chronological age may be more exposed to stressors ( Snape & Redman, 2003 ) and depression ( Tougas et al., 2004 ), which are detrimental to their mental health ( Pascoe & Richman, 2009 ).
Ageism is increasingly recognized as a risk factor associated with increased stress, anxiety, depression, and lowered life satisfaction ( Ayalon et al., 2019 ). However, articles on ageism generally take the form of conceptual or theoretical papers, and they tend to center on identifying the causes and consequences of ageism ( Iversen et al., 2009 ). More empirical studies are needed to investigate the harm that ageism can cause to the psychological well-being of older adults. Our review examined this relationship by synthesizing the results of several studies identified in a thorough systematic search.
This systematic review examines how the experience of ageism experience among older adults influences their psychological well-being. This study also seeks insight into successful aging by identifying factors that mediate or moderate the relationship of ageism to psychological well-being. Our overarching goal is to mitigate or eliminate the adverse effects of ageism, especially on the psychological well-being of older adults. Using a systematic review method allows the researcher to comprehensively identify relevant literature through transparent and rigorous processes ( Littell et al., 2008 ). Several systematic reviews have examined ageism and its effects on older adults: these include assessments of how stereotypes of aging affect memory and cognitive performance ( Lamont et al., 2015 ), ageism’s broad effects, and theories that explain ageism ( North & Fiske, 2012 ). However, no research has hitherto examined the direct effects of ageism on older adults’ psychological well-being.
A new paradigm for understanding the aging society is necessary in the face of a rapidly expanding population of older adults to assess these developments in a long-term perspective. The study of ageism can be a key foundational resource for older adults. Unbiased summaries of quantitative outcome studies from our systematic review may help to develop an understanding of the potential risks of ageism on psychological well-being. Furthermore, the mediators and moderators identified between ageism and the psychological well-being of older adults will support future policy and practices.
We aimed to locate all empirical evidence that examined the relationship between ageism and older adults’ psychological well-being through a comprehensive and unbiased search. The systematic review methodology was guided by two sources: Systematic Reviews from the Centre for Reviews and Dissemination (2009) and Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis from Littell et al. (2008) . We also followed the guidelines from a review protocol, the PRISMA 2020 statement (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses) developed by Page et al. (2021) , to verify the validity of the steps involved in the systematic review. PRISMA is a set of standards that includes a 27-item checklist and a four-phase flow diagram describing how systematic reviews should be reported ( Page et al., 2021 ). The completed PRISMA checklist was included in Appendix B . A critical appraisal checklist for analytical cross-sectional studies developed by the Joanna Briggs Institute (JBI) was used to assess the methodological quality of the reviewed studies ( Moola et al., 2020 ). Additionally, we reported our results using Pleasant et al.'s (2020) study as a guide ( Pleasant et al., 2020 ). Our first step was to develop a search strategy to guide a thorough but rigorous systematic search by refining our research question. We also articulated and tested our complete set of search terms to decrease our chances of missing relevant literature. A number of inclusion and exclusion criteria were set to prevent bias in the selection process. We used a wide range of sources for our review, including several electronic databases, grey literature, hand searches, and reference mining.
Studies included in this review focused on the psychological well-being of older adults who have experienced discrimination based on their age. Studies had to meet several criteria to be eligible for inclusion in this review. For ensuring comprehensive and unbiased literature searches, the PICOS (Population, Intervention, Comparison, Outcomes, and Study design) framework was used to formulate literature search strategies ( Table 1 ). The population of interest for the systematic review was older adults aged 60 and above. Our rationale behind selecting this age range was based on retirement age. The retirement age varies around the world, and it is expected to increase along with increased life expectancy ( Forman & Chen, 2008 ). We adopted an average retirement age range from the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development’s (OECD) countries from statistics on the average retirement age ( OECD, 2015 ). The normal retirement age of OECD countries in 2014 ranges from 60 (Luxembourg) to 67 (Iceland) ( OECD, 2015 ).
PICOS Framework for Systematic Review.
Attribute | Inclusion Criteria |
---|---|
Population of interest | Older people aged 60+ years |
(Problem and condition of interest) | Self- and other-directed ageist attitudes and discrimination |
Intervention | The intervention may include but is not limited to any effective intervention; a statistically significant intervention for buffering the effects of ageism on psychological well-being |
Comparator | A comparator could be any or no comparator |
Outcome of interest | Psychological well-being |
Settings | All settings |
The review included studies that measured ageism or attitudes towards older adults. Ageism can be direct or indirect, and it tends to be reproduced and unconsciously reflected in social or cultural spheres ( Iversen et al., 2009 ). While ageism toward older adults might also be demonstrated in a positive stereotype or attitudes toward them ( Palmore, 1999 ), ageism in this study was confined to only negative attitudes and feelings. Furthermore, we included studies on self-directed ageism, which refers to ageism directed at oneself, in order to examine how internalized age stereotypes affect older adults’ psychological well-being. The large number of words associated with ageism prompted us to choose broad and general search terms in order to avoid the omission of relevant articles and to identify all potentially relevant studies.
In this study, the psychological well-being of older adults was the outcome of interest. Psychological well-being is a multi-dimensional concept determined by multiple components and factors ( Kim et al., 2017 ). We adopted a broader definition of psychological well-being as suggested by Diener et al. (2017) . They conceptualized psychological well-being as an all-inclusive term that includes desirable psychological characteristics as well as subjective well-being; that is, the subjective perception of life that an individual experiences in their environment ( Baker et al., 2005 ). Psychological well-being is a key indicator for measuring the subjective aspects of quality of life ( Baker et al., 2005 ). Further, it is an integrative construct that includes diverse affective and cognitive dimensions, such as life satisfaction, positive/negative affect, mental health, self-actualization, optimal functioning, happiness, and mood ( Levin & Chatters, 1998 ; Ryff, 1989 ). Depression, life satisfaction, stress, and other mental health behaviors were also considered in measuring psychological well-being. Study designs were limited to empirical quantitative studies that used statistical, rather than descriptive, analysis to present findings. Studies that met this population, predictor, outcome, and type of study criteria were eligible for review consideration.
To summarize, ageism literature was systematically reviewed using the following criteria: (a) focused solely on ageism without any other forms of discrimination; (b) measured ageism against older adults (60 years old and above); (c) examined the relationship between ageism and psychological well-being; (d) was written in English; and (e) used a quantitative design. Studies were excluded that (a) identified other sources of discrimination such as disability, race, sexuality, HIV, LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning), and mental illness; (b) examined the relationship between ageism and physical health without psychological well-being; (c) used ageism as an outcome variable; and (d) used a literature review and qualitative design as the research method.
Search Strategy
To identify and determine all published research studies on ageism focusing on the influence on older adults’ psychological well-being, we conducted a comprehensive search to identify all potentially relevant literature from the inception of each index to August 31, 2019, both published and unpublished. We searched relevant resources regardless of the country of origin but only included resources written in English. In order to find all potential studies, we established four search strategies: database searches, grey literature searches, hand searches of selected journals, and reference mining. We used three bibliographic databases: ProQuest Research Library , Web of Science , and Academic Search Complete for our literature search. The search included all literature from the earliest years that the databases cover to August 31, 2019. The set of search terms included Ageism (or ageist), older adults (or aged or the elderly), and psychological (or emotional) well-being (or health or satisfaction). Various combinations of terms were tested to identify all potentially relevant studies, and our final search terms used for each database were provided in Appendix A .
To find possible unpublished literature on our topic, we visited websites of state/national government agencies, research centers, and both profit/nonprofit organizations that were most relevant to our topic and selection criteria. The grey literature sites included Cochrane Library , ProQuest Dissertations & Theses , American Psychological Association (APA) , American Society on Aging (ASA) , National Center on Elder Abuse (NCEA) , National Committee for the Prevention of Elder Abuse (NCPEA) , and The Fiske Lab. A general web search located additional studies through google and google scholar .
Four journals that were highly relevant to the search criteria were selected for a hand search to supplement unidentified literature that might have been missed through an electronic search: Ageing and Society (1981–present), Aging and Mental Health (1997–present), Gerontologist (1961–present), and Psychology and Aging (1986–present). We searched the entire contents of the four journals to find potentially eligible studies. Backward reviews through a reverse bibliographic search were also included for the hand search. Furthermore, we scanned the relevant references from articles identified through previous search methods to identify additional literature that met the search criteria.
We used EndNote X9, a reference managing computer program, for data collection processes, including downloading results of electronic searches, organizing downloaded references, checking duplication, and locating full texts. The data collection process started by first retrieving abstracts or titles for all resources through the search process. The second screening process involved reviewing full texts of the initially screened resources to determine if the sources were relevant by applying exclusion and inclusion criteria. For reliability of quality assessment and data extraction, all screening processes were undertaken by both the first author and the second author. Disagreements about screening and full-text retrieval decisions were discussed until reaching a consensus.
After the full-text review, final resources were selected for data extraction. The first author collected data from the final resources, and the second author checked and revised the data extraction by the first author and supplemented insufficient data, if needed. Disagreements among the two authors were again resolved by consensus to establish inter-rater reliability in the data extraction process. The data collection included (a) Study design: overarching goal, study site and control variables, (b) Methodology: type of data, data collection methods and statistical techniques, (c) Sample: random sampling, sample size, and sample characteristics (age, education level, race/ethnicity, (d) Predictor (ageism): data source, measures, tools used, information regarding the validity of tools, (e) Outcome (psychological well-being): data source, list of outcomes assessed, measures, tools used, information regarding the validity of tools, (f) Findings: the relationship between ageism and psychological well-being (statistically significant associated or not associated), and (g) Intervention: interventions between ageism and psychological well-being (statistically significant associated or not associated). Finally, to establish the study quality standards, information regarding (a) Internal validity (missing data and reliability and/or validity of variables) and (b) External validity (representative of the population) were extracted
Figure 1 illustrates the search process. The database search identified 6103 records, while additional 314 records were identified from other sources. 673 duplicates were removed from the initial sample ( n = 6417). A screening of the remaining records’ titles and abstracts ( n = 5744) was conducted to ascertain eligibility criteria, which led to the exclusion of ( n = 5447) records. All of the remaining articles ( n = 297) were evaluated by full-text review, and 284 articles were excluded for the reasons outlined in Figure 1 . Thirteen articles were ultimately selected for data extraction.
Systematic review flow diagram.
All thirteen studies examined the relationship between ageism and the psychological well-being among older adults aged 60 and above. Table 2 shows a summary of the study design and setting of thirteen studies. 38% ( n = 5/13) proposed and tested interventions that buffer the relationship between ageism and psychological well-being. 31% ( n = 4/13) adopted conceptual frameworks to explain and verify the association between ageism and psychological health. Stereotype internalization theory ( Bai et al., 2016 ), stress process model ( Kim, 2015 ), minority stress theory ( Lyons et al., 2018 ), and stereotype embodiment theory ( Zhang et al., 2019 ) were used as theoretical grounds to support the ageism and psychological health link.
Study Design and Setting.
Author (Year) | Overarching Goal | Location Details | Theory | Sampling Methods | Control Variables | Study Design | Mediator or Moderator |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Examined whether age discrimination affect negatively one’s subjective well-being | Germany | No | Probability sampling | Gender, age, family status, education, income, area of residence, self-rated health, and physical limitations | A longitudinal, population-based representative study | No | |
Examined the effects of family relationship quality and aging stereotypes on Chinese older adults’ depressive symptoms | China | Modernization theory and stereotype internalization theory | Probability sampling | Urban-rural residence, age, gender, living arrangement, physical health status, functional status (IADL ), and quality of family relations | A cross-sectional survey | No | |
Examined the association between perceived discrimination influences active aging | Germany, Mexico and Spain | No | Probability sampling | No | A cross-sectional survey | No | |
Tested two effects of ageism: a Direct negative effect on psychological well-being and a positive indirect effect on well-being mediated by group identification | US | The rejection–identification model | Convenience sampling | No | A cross-sectional survey | Mediator (age group identification) | |
Examined the relationship between perceived ageism and depression in later life | US | A stress process model, Beck’s (1967, 1983) cognitive theory of depression and stereotype embodiment theory | Probability sampling | Gender race, age, education, work status, self-perceived health, and functional health status (IADL ) | A longitudinal panel study | Mediators (self-perception of aging and purpose in life) | |
Evaluated the relationship between ageism and depression, exploring the stress-mediating and stress-moderating roles of emotional reactions and coping behaviors | Korea | Stress-coping process model | Probability sampling | Gender, region (urban/rural), marital status, education, chronic disease and health, age, and economic status | A cross-sectional survey | Mediator (emotional reactions)/Moderator (coping responses) | |
Studied the interplay of discrimination, stress, support, and depression among older adults in South Korea | Korea | No | Convenience sampling | No | A cross-sectional survey | No | |
Examined relationships between experiences of ageism and mental health outcomes among older Australian adults | Australia | Minority stress theory | Convenience sampling | Age, gender, sexual orientation, education, employment, income, country of birth location, relationship status, and self-rated health | A cross-sectional survey | No | |
Sabik (2013) | Examined the associations between perceptions of age discrimination, body esteem, health, and psychological well-being | US | Social expectancy theory | Convenience sampling | Subjective health and body mass index | A cross-sectional survey | Mediator (body esteem) |
Examined whether older patients have experienced any discrimination based on their age in the course of their cancer care and explored the associated factors and potential outcomes of age discrimination | Korea | No | Probability sampling | Age, gender, education, and income | A cross-sectional survey | No | |
Examined effects of confirmation of retirement expectations on satisfaction with life in retirement | US (Texas) | Expectation confirmation theory and resource perspective | Convenience sampling | No | A cross-sectional survey | No | |
Examined the effects of positive age stereotypes (PAS) and negative age stereotypes (NAS) on the well-being of Chinese older adults | China (Beijing) | No | Convenience sampling | Age, gender, education, income, and marital status | A cross-sectional survey | Moderator (flexible goal adjustment) | |
Studied the association between future time perspective (FTP) and well-being among older adults, and examined the moderating role of age stereotypes in the associations | China (Chongqing) | Stereotype embodiment theory | Convenience sampling | Age, gender, education, income, marital status, and physical health | A cross-sectional survey | No |
1 IADL: Instrumental Activities of Daily Living.
38% ( n = 5/13) were conducted in the US and 46% ( n = 6/13) in Asia. There was one study conducted in Europe, and the other in Germany, Mexico, and Spain. 38% ( n = 5/13) conducted a secondary analysis of existing data, and the samples in these studies were selected through a probability sample design. 15% ( n = 2/13) were longitudinal panel research, whereas all the other studies were cross-sectional design. Except for one PhD dissertation ( Kim, 2015 ), all other studies (92%) were published in peer-reviewed journals and were published between 2004 and 2019.
Table 3 provides a summary of the 13 studies included in this review, along with each of their participants’ characteristics. The number of participants in the studies varied considerably, from 60 in a non-random sampling setting ( Garstka et al., 2004 ) to 3991 in an RCT that drew from a nationally representative survey ( Kim, 2015 ). All of the participants in the reviewed studies were older adults aged 60 years and older. The lowest mean age was 62.49, while the highest one was 77.4. Lee and Kim (2016) and Sabik (2013) included women only, while the other studies included men and women.
Sample Characteristics.
Author (Year) | Sample Size | Gender | Age (Mean: In Years) | Race/Ethnicity |
---|---|---|---|---|
=615 | Male 62.0% Female 38.0% | German 100% | ||
=954 | Male 51.0% Female 49.0% | 72.73 | Chinese 100% | |
=2005 | Male 43.0% Female 57.0% | 71.8 | German 30.0% Mexican 39.2% Spanish 30.8% | |
=60 | Male 37.0% Female 63.0% | 75.0 | White 78.4% Others 21.6% | |
=3991 | Male 39.8% Female 60.2% | 75.45 | Caucasian 86.3% African American 11.9% Other 1.8% | |
=812 | Male 49.0% Female 51.0% | 72.86 | Korean 100% | |
=207 | Female 100.0% | 77.42 | Korean 100% | |
=2119 | Male 68.0% Female 32.0% | 66.71 | Australian 100% | |
Sabik (2013) | =244 | Female 100.0% | 63.44 | European American 66.7% African American 33.3% |
=439 | Male 64.0% Female 36.0% | 70.8 | Korean 100% | |
=543 | Male 64.0% Female 36.0% | 69.5 | American or Canadian (not specified) | |
=279 | Male 51.3% Female 48.7% | 67.09 | Chinese 100% | |
=331 | Male 51.7% Female 48.3% | 67.93 | Chinese 100% |
38% ( n = 5/13) used established scales that have been used and evaluated. Three studies used Palmore’s (1999 , 2001) ageism scale ( Kim et al., 2015 ; Lee & Kim, 2016 ; Lyons et al., 2018 ). Zhang et al. (2018) and Zhang et al. (2018) used the Image of Aging Scale developed by Levy et al.(2004) . 62% ( n = 8/13) used non-validated measures or developed their scales to measure ageism. Avidor et al. (2017) , Kim (2015) , and Shin et al. (2018) used a dichotomous variable to measure age-based discriminations. Bai et al. (2016) used a measure of perceptions of aging as a burden to examine the self-directed ageism of older adults. Fernandez-Ballesteros et al. (2017) used three questions with a 4-point Likert-type scale to measure negatively perceived age discrimination. Garstka et al. (2004) measured ageism through four different items: victims of age discrimination as an individual, age group victimized by society according to age, deprivation of opportunities, and discrimination due to old age. Siguaw et al. (2017) used four items that were developed by Garstka et al. (2004) . Sabik (2013) used five questions to assess ageism: individual/age group deprivation of opportunities, exclusion from many sectors of public life, considered to be worthless after retirement, achievements not properly appreciated because of chronological old age. All measures of ageism in the included studies provided Cronbach’s alpha, and 85% ( n = 11/13) were above .75.
92% ( n = 11/13) used validated outcome measures to evaluate older adults’ psychological well-being. Reviewed studies measured psychological well-being with different measurement instruments such as depression, subjective well-being through life satisfaction, and mental health. The outcome variable for 54% of the studies ( n = 7/13) was depression. 38% ( n = 5/13) used the concept of subject well-being by measuring life satisfaction. Ballesteros et al.’ s (2017) study included a life satisfaction measure as a component of measuring active aging. Garstka et al. (2004) assessed self-esteem in addition to life satisfaction as outcome measures. Sabik (2013) used the 5-item Mental Health subscale from the MOS 36-Item Short-Form Health Survey, which assesses general mental health and well-being. Cronbach’s alphas of all the measures of psychological well-being in the included studies were all above. Seventy-seven except the life satisfaction measure (Cronbach’s α: 0.57) of Garstka et al. (2004) .
All of the studies indicated that an increase in experiences of ageism was a statistically significant predictor of decreased psychological well-being in older adults ( Table 4 ). 62% ( n = 8/13) examined ageism as a predictor that influences the psychological well-being of older adults through the regression analysis. All regressions include many control variables such as sociodemographic, socioeconomic, and physical health status. 38% ( n = 5/13) conducted structural equation modeling tests to look at direct or indirect effects of ageism.
Summary of Results (Relationship between Ageism and Psychological Well-being).
Author (year) | Sample | Methods | Measures | Key Findings | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Independent (Ageism) | Dependent | ||||
Older adults aged 65–93 years drawn from the German ageing survey ( =615) | Hierarchical multiple regression analysis | A dichotomous variable: Participants were asked whether they had been discriminated against or placed at a disadvantage due to their age, in the past 12 months | Subjective well-being (1) the five-item satisfaction with life scale on a 5-point scale (Cronbach’s α for T1: .98 and T2: .84) ; (2) the 10-item positive affect scale drawn from the positive and negative affect schedule on a 5-point scale (Cronbach’s α for T1: .99 and T2: .86) | The direct path between age discrimination and the well-being of older adults ( = −.32, < .01) was negative while except for demographic, economic, and physical health status variables | |
Chinese adults aged 60 years and older in Jiangsu province ( =954) | Hierarchical multiple regression analysis | Participants’ burden views toward older people: Two items on a 3-point scale Cronbach’s α: 0.84 (1) the extent to which they perceived older people as a burden to family (2) the extent to which they perceived older people as a burden to society | 15-Item short form of the Chinese version of the GDS short form. (Cronbach’s α: 0.80) | Those who held burden view had more depressive symptoms ( = .23, < .001) controlling for sociodemographic variables, physical and functional health status and quality of family relations | |
Older adults aged 62 years and older from Germany, Mexico and Spain in 2005 ( =2005) | Structural equation modeling | Three questions with a 4-point Likert-type scale used to measure negatively perceived age discrimination | Active aging (a latent variable) was defined to include (1) life satisfaction: Five items with a 4-point Likert-type scale; (2) subjective health: Three items with a 4-point Likert-type scale; and (3) self-perception of aging: Five items from Levy, Slade, and Kasl, (2002) | A negative direct effect of perceived ageism on active aging that was found = −.384, < .001) | |
Older adults aged 64–91 years recruited from the community ( =60) | Structural equation modeling | Age discrimination: Four items by using a 7-point Likert scale Cronbach’s α: 0.77 (1) a victim of society; (2) deprived of the opportunities that are available to others; (3) victimized by society and (4) discriminated against more than members of other age groups | Psychological well-being (two dimensions) (1) self-esteem: Positive self-regard by using a 10-item personal self-esteem scale (Cronbach’s α: 0.77)<(2) life satisfaction using a 5-item scale derived from Schmitt et al. (2002) and two new items (Cronbach’s α: 0.57) | Perceived age discrimination had direct negative effects on the well-being of older adults ( = −.54, < .05) | |
Older adults aged 65 and overdrawn from the health and retirement study ( =3991) | Hierarchical multiple regression analysis | A dichotomous variable based on two concepts: (1) perceived everyday discrimination, and (2) attributions of daily discrimination. Cronbach’s α: 0.82 | Eight questions from the CES-D scale (Cronbach’s α: 0.81) | Perceived ageism had a statistically significant effect on depression ( = .029, < .05) controlling for demographic, socioeconomic, and physical health status variables | |
Older adults aged 60–89 years in South Korea from the 2013 ageism and health study ( =812) | Hierarchical multiple regression analysis | The Palmore ageism scale (2001) Cronbach’s α: 0.83 | The CES-D scale (Cronbach’s α: 0.92)< | An increase in experiences of ageism was significantly associated with increased depressive symptoms ( = 0.12, < .001) while controlling for age, sex, education, marital status, economic status, health condition | |
Older women aged 65 or above, who lived in rural areas and attended senior community centers ( =207) | Structural equation modeling | Used ageism survey to assess experienced ageism. It consists of 20 items with a 4-points Likert scale Cronbach’s α: 0.93 | (1)Depression: The Korean translation of GDS -SF—15 items with a dichotomous scale (yes or no) (Cronbach’s α: 0.84) (2) stress—stress recognition scale ( )—21 items with a 4-points scale (Cronbach’s α: 0.85) | Ageism had a direct effect on stress ( = .49, < .01) and had an indirect effect on depression through stress ( = .34, < .01) | |
Australians aged 60 and over were recruited through various recruitment strategies both online and offline ( =2119) | Hierarchical multiple regression analysis | Used ageism survey to assess experienced ageism. It consists of 20 items with 4 points Likert scales Cronbach’s α: 0.83 | Depression, anxiety, and stress scale (DASS-21) (Antony, Bieling et al. 1998)—21 items with a 4-point Likert scale | Ageism experience had statistically significant effects on depression ( = .022, < .001), anxiety ( = .023, < .001), and stress ( = .026, < .001) while controlling for demographic, socioeconomic, and physical health status variables | |
Sabik (2013) | European American and African American women in 60s (University of Michigan alumnae in 2008) ( =244) | Structural equation modeling | The five questions used to assess perceptions of age discrimination (adapted from measures of racial and gender discrimination) Cronbach’s α: 0.75 (1) deprived of the opportunities (2) my age group have been deprived of the opportunities (3) older people are excluded from many sectors of public life (4) after ending one’s working life, one is considered to be worthless (5) the achievements of older people are not appreciated in our society | The five-item mental health subscale from the MOS 36-item short-form health survey Cronbach’s α: 0.82 | Perceived age discrimination was directly associated with lower psychological well-being. (Direct effect: = −.29, <.001) |
Patients with cancer who were 60 years or older recruited from the National Cancer Center and 10 other regional cancer centers in Korea ( =439) | Multivariate linear regression | Yes/no dichotomous variables measuring seven discriminations based on their age in the course of their cancer care: disease information, treatment information, the daily mile (TDM) participation, attention from healthcare providers (HCPs), supportive care, and treatment Cronbach’s α: 0.82 | Mental health and quality of life were assessed with the Geriatric depression scale (GDS) 15 items with binary response options (yes = 1, No = 0) | Ageism experience was associated with a higher depression score (all < 0.001) while controlling for age, gender, education, and income | |
Retired seniors obtained from mostly an online survey ( =543) | Structural equation modeling | 4-item perceived age discrimination scale | 5-item SWL scale | Ageism was significant in predicting SWL and its direction was negative ( = −0.10, < .05) | |
Recruited participants aged 60 or over from 17 neighborhoods in Beijing, China ( =279) | Hierarchical multiple regression analysis | 18-Item Image of ageing scale ( ), with nine positive words and nine negative words-7-point Likert scale Cronbach’s α: 0.78 (PAS ) Cronbach’s α: 0.87 (NAS ) | Well-being was measured using 20-item life satisfaction Index-A (LSI-A) (Neugarten, Havighurst, and Tobin, 1961)—5-point Likert scale Cronbach’s α: 0.82 | Well-being was negatively influenced by NAS ( = −0.14, < .01) and positively influenced by PAS ( = .21, < .001) while controlling for age, gender, education, income, and marital status | |
Recruited participants aged 60 or over from 21 communities Chongqing, China ( =331) | Hierarchical multiple regression analysis | 18-Item Image of ageing scale ( ), with nine positive words and nine negative words-7-point Likert scale Cronbach’s α: 0.85 (PAS ) Cronbach’s α: 0.87 (NAS ) | Older adults’ well-being was measured (1) morale (15-item Philadelphia Geriatric Center morale scale—Cronbach’s α: 0.89), (2) depression (10-item Center for Epidemiologic Studies depression scale—Cronbach’s α: 0.86), and (3) loneliness (the 8-item form of the University of California, Los Angeles loneliness scale—Cronbach’s α: 0.85) | PAS had positive effect on well-being ( = .20, < .001) and NAS had negative effect on well-being ( = −.29, < .001) while controlling for age, gender, education, income, marital status, and physical health |
1 T1: Time 1, 2008; T2: Time 2, 2011
2 GDS: Geriatric Depression Scale.
3 CES-D: Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression.
4 MOS: Medical Outcomes Study.
5 SWL: The Satisfaction with Life Scale.
6 PAS: Positive Age Stereotypes.
7 NAS: Negative Age Stereotypes.
Depression was an outcome assessed in 54% ( n = 7/13). An increase in experiences or perceptions of ageism (or age discrimination) was associated with an increase in depressive symptoms as well as stress and anxiety. The study by Lyons et al. (2017) showed that ageism experience is significantly related to the prevalence of stress and anxiety disorders, as well as depression. In Lee and Kim’s (2016) study, ageism was found to affect stress directly and had an indirect effect on depression through stress. Zhang et al. (2019) indicated that negative age stereotypes were associated with higher levels of depression and loneliness and lower morale.
Life satisfaction was included as an outcome measure in 38% of the total studies ( n = 5/13). The results of these studies indicated that perceived ageism and ageism experience was negatively associated with life satisfaction. The study by Fernandez-Ballesteros et al. (2017) found that perceived ageism negatively affects active aging, which includes life satisfaction, subjective health, and self-perceptions of aging. Garstka et al. (2004) showed a direct negative effect of age discrimination on self-esteem as well as life satisfaction. Lastly, Sabik’s (2013) study indicated that perceived age discrimination is negatively associated with general mental health and well-being.
38% ( n = 5/13) proposed and tested mediating and moderating variables between ageism and older adults’ psychological well-being ( Table 5 ). Garstka et al. (2004) examined the mediating effect of age group identification, which refers to an individual’s internal perception of their own age group. It was based on the rejection–identification theory, which suggests that perceived discrimination deteriorates the psychological well-being in low-status groups, but that group identification partially alleviated this effect. Age group identification attenuated the negative effect of ageism on well-being. The total effect of ageism on the psychological well-being decreased ( β = −.36, p < .05) compared to its direct effect ( β = −.54, p < .05).
Summary of Results (Interventions between Ageism and Psychological Well-being).
Author (year) | Sample | Interventions (Hypothesis) | Measures | Method | Key Findings |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Older adults aged 64–91 years recruited from the community ( =60) | By promoting a sense of inclusion (support), group identification can partially alleviate the negative effects of perceived discrimination on well-being | Age group identification is measured by five age group identity items using a 7-point Likert scale Cronbach’s α: 0.82 (1) I like being a member of my age group, (2) I am proud to be a member of my age group, (3) my age group membership is central to who I am (4) I believe that being a member of my age group is a positive experience, and (5) I have a clear sense of my age group identity and what it means to me | Structural equation modeling | After the addition of age group identification, the total effect of perceived age discrimination on well-being lessened ( = −.36, < .05) | |
Older adults aged 65 and overdrawn from the health and retirement study ( =3991) | Self-perception of aging and purpose in life can be a potential pathway that mediates between perceived ageism and depression | (1) self-perception of aging: The Philadelphia Geriatric Center morale scale Cronbach’s α: 0.72 (2) purpose in life: measured based on a multi-dimensional model of psychological well-being constructed by Cronbach’s α: 0.76 | Hierarchical multiple regression and structural equation modeling | (1) the results of the regression perceived ageism on depression ( = .017, = .197), disappeared when self-perception of aging was included, and was marginally significant when purpose in life was entered ( = .022, = .095) (2) the results of structural equation modeling the impact of the indirect path from perceived ageism to depressive symptoms mediated by self-perception of aging ( = .112, < .001) the impact of the indirect path from perceived ageism to depression mediated by purpose in life through self-perception of aging ( = .012, = .048) | |
Respondents who reported ageism experiences ( =390) | Emotional reactions and coping responses can alleviate or exacerbate the impact of ageism on depressive symptoms | (1) emotional reactions (mediator): 16 items, including feeling hurt, angry, sad, frustrated, humiliated, discouraged, terrified, foolish, or ashamed. Cronbach’s α: 0.901 (2) coping responses (moderator): Problem-focused (taking formal action, confrontation, seeking social support) and emotion-focused (passive acceptance, emotional discharge). Cronbach’s α: 0.627 to 0.851 | Hierarchical multiple regression (A bootstrap procedure) | (1) after including emotional reactions, ageism did not predict depressive symptoms ( −0.01, > 0.05) (2) none of the coping strategies significantly buffered the association between ageism and depression | |
Sabik (2013) | European American and African American women in 60s ( =244) | Body esteem would mediate the relationship between perceptions of age discrimination and psychological well-being | Body esteem: The appearance esteem (10 items) and weight esteem (8 items) subscales from the body esteem scale Cronbach’s α: 94 | Structural equation modeling | Body esteem partially mediated the association between perceptions of age discrimination and psychological well-being (indirect effect: = −0.047, <.05) the effect of age discrimination on psychological well-being decreased (direct impact = −.29 -> −.24) |
Recruited participants aged 60 or over from 17 neighborhoods in Beijing, China ( =279) | NAS would weaken the positive effect of PAS on the well-being of those people with low levels of flexible goal adjustment (FGA ) | FGA was measured using the 15-item FGA scale (Brandtstädter and Renner, 1990)—5-point Likert scale | Hierarchical multiple regression (interaction) | The interaction term of PAS × NAS × FGA was significant in predicting well-being ( = .19, < .01) the positive effect of PAS on well-being declined for those participants with low FGA condition, but the effect remained the same for individuals with high FGA |
1 NAS: Negative Age Stereotypes.
2 PAS: Positive Age Stereotypes.
3 FGA: Flexible Goal Adjustment.
Kim (2015) tested the mediating effects of self-perception of aging and purpose in life on the relationship between ageism and depression. The overall indirect effect of ageism on depression mediated by self-perception of aging and purpose in life was statistically significant ( β = .124, p < .001). The mediating effect of self-perception of aging ( β = .112, p < .001) was larger than that of purpose in life ( β = .012, p = .048).
Kim et al. (2015) examined the mediating effect of emotional reactions and the moderating effect of coping responses. The duration of many negative emotional reactions was examined, including being hurt, angry, frustrated, humiliated, discouraged, terrified, foolish, or ashamed. Coping responses included problem-focused responses such as formal action, confrontation, and seeking support, and emotion-focused such as passive acceptance and emotional discharge. Although the results did not confirm the moderating effect of coping responses, the effect of ageism on depression ( β = −.01, p > 0.05) was no more statistically significant after adding emotional reactions.
Sabik (2013) tested the mediating effect of body esteem on the relationship between ageism and the psychological well-being of older adults. Sabik assumed that a high level of body esteem might mediate the association between ageism and psychological well-being. The results suggested that body esteem partially mediated the association (indirect effect: β = −0.047, p < .05); that is, the effect of ageism on psychological well-being was decreased from −.29 ( β , p < .001) to −.24 ( β , p < .001).
Lastly, Zhang et al. (2018) examined a moderating role of flexible goal adjustment (FGA) between age stereotypes and the well-being of older adults. FGA implies that individuals pursue their own personal goals, disengaging from goals that are incompatible with their preferences and altering their goals in response to unique conditions. Zhang et al. (2018) found that the interaction term, including FGA, was significant in predicting well-being ( β = .19, p < .01). Negative age stereotypes decreased the positive effect of positive age stereotypes on well-being for older adults with low FGA conditions, but the effect remained the same for individuals with high FGA.
Methodological quality was assessed using the JBI’s checklists. Table 6 presents a summary of the methodological qualities of the articles we reviewed. A total of eight methodological qualities were examined to assess the possibility of bias in the design, conduct, and analysis of reviewed studies. An inter-rater review process was implemented between two co-authors to assess the methodological quality of the reviewed studies. The total score of the Methodological qualities ranged from 0 to 8. Our reviewed articles ( N = 13) scored between 3 and 8, with mean scores of 6.1 ( SD = 1.3) and a median score of 7. Kim et al.’s (2015) study received all eight points, whereas Siguaw et al.’s (2017) study received three points. All studies met two of the criteria (b and h). All articles provided a clear explanation of how the study participants were selected or recruited. Additionally, the methods section was sufficiently detailed to enable us to identify the analytical techniques utilized. However, only 38% ( n = 5/13) successfully measured ageism in a valid and reliable manner.
Review of Methodological Quality.
Criteria Quality Index | Sabik (2013) | ||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
a | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | U | U | Y | U | U | U |
b | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y |
c | N | N | N | N | N | Y | Y | Y | U | N | U | Y | Y |
d | Y | N | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | N | Y | Y |
e | Y | Y | N | N | Y | Y | N | Y | Y | Y | N | Y | Y |
f | Y | Y | N/A | N/A | Y | Y | N/A | Y | Y | Y | N/A | Y | Y |
g | N | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | N | Y | Y | Y | Y |
h | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y | Y |
Score | 6 | 6 | 5 | 5 | 7 | 8 | 6 | 7 | 5 | 7 | 3 | 7 | 7 |
a Were the criteria for inclusion in the sample clearly defined?
b Were the study subjects and the setting described in detail?
c Was the exposure measured in a valid and reliable way?
d Were objective, standard criteria used for measurement of the condition?
e Were confounding factors identified?
f Were strategies to deal with confounding factors stated?
g Were the outcomes measured in a valid and reliable way?
h Was appropriate statistical analysis used?
*Y: Yes; N: No; U: Unclear; N/A: Not applicable.
The first goal of this study was to locate studies that examined the relationship between ageism and older adults’ psychological well-being. A total of 13 studies were identified through a comprehensive search, and all of them empirically showed the negative effects of ageism on the psychological well-being of older adults. That is, older adults who perceived or experienced ageism were more likely to show lower levels of psychological well-being than those who did not perceive or experience ageism. Moreover, the psychological well-being of older people was adversely affected if they held internalized ageist thoughts.
The second goal of the study was to identify mediating or moderating factors between ageism and the psychological well-being of older adults. Five of the reviewed studies tested mediating or moderating effects of interventions between ageism and psychological well-being. Except for the coping responses, all mediating variables buffered the negative effects of ageism on psychological well-being in older adults. Age group identification ( Garstka et al., 2004 ), emotional reactions ( Kim et al., 2015 ), self-perception of aging and purpose in life ( Kim, 2015 ), body esteem ( Sabik, 2015 ), and flexible goal adjustment ( Zhang et al., 2018 ) were all identified as effective mediators to mitigate the negative effects of ageism on the psychological well-being.
To briefly synthesize the interventions, the psychological well-being of older adults (1) who were proud to be a member of their age group, (2) who experienced less negative emotions (i.e., feeling hurt, angry, sad, frustrated, humiliated, discouraged, terrified, foolish, or ashamed), (3) who considered aging process positively and held a positive view of their future, (4) who had greater body esteem, and (5) who had high levels of flexible goal adjustment were less negatively influenced by ageism. These mediators can inform intervention developments that will lessen the effects of ageism and improve older adults’ psychological well-being.
Scholars who investigate the extent of the detrimental impacts of ageism on older adults have focused on developing effective interventions in recent years ( Bujang, Sa’at, & Bakar, 2017 ). For instance, Burnes et al.’s (2019) systematic review of interventions to reduce ageism against older adults found that aging education toward young people and intergenerational contact were effective approaches for adolescents and young adults. However, it remains a question whether education and intergenerational contact can fully reduce the effects of ageism on older adults. In addition, during the COVID-19 pandemic, maintaining contact between generations has been an increasingly challenging endeavor. Thus, it is important to discuss how the negative effects of ageism among older adults during the pandemic. We believe that the intervention results of our study can be used as a basis for implementing innovative strategies to reduce ageism’s pernicious effects among older adults during periods of social distancing. These effects may result in a necessity for effective interventions in older adults, such as education for positive aging, emotional management, boosting body confidence, and flexible goal setting that may serve as downstream factors to mitigate or perhaps reverse negative effects of ageism on their psychological well-being. Our review also provides theoretical frameworks that enable a deeper understanding of the role of ageism in psychological well-being. One of these is the stress process model ( Kim, 2015 ). Recurrent experiences of ageism can be a stressor, and exposure to these stressful events could lead to depressive symptoms ( Kim, 2015 ). Unlike other stressors, ageism cannot be resolved only at the individual level. All age groups should be involved in addressing issues regarding ageism because it is one of the most socially condoned and institutionalized forms of prejudice that is reflected in many areas of society ( Nelson, 2005 ). The stereotype embodiment framework also helps us understand how ageism inhibits the psychological well-being of older adults. Stereotype embodiment refers to a person’s internalization of age stereotypes through life-long exposure ( Levy, 2009 ). This tends to adversely affect older adults psychologically, behaviorally, and physiologically. That is, when older adults endorse negative stereotypes, they are more likely to experience a broader range of adverse health outcomes.
Through the review process, we found that the research on the relationship between ageism and the psychological well-being of older adults is at an early stage with ample room for development. The number of identified quantitative studies was small, and most studies identified were conceptual. Considering that ageism is an immediate societal issue, more quantitative studies that provide generalizable empirical evidence are needed. Additionally, very few interventions regarding mediating or moderating factors between ageism and psychological well-being have been identified. That is, no definitive answer has been given for an effective method to deal with the negative effects of ageism. The need to develop an effective intervention as a buffer against the negative effects of ageism has increased due to the pervasive ageism in current society. Finding a way to mitigate or end the negative effects of ageism, especially on the psychological well-being of older adults, would provide additional insight into successful aging.
We also found the measurement of ageism to be insufficient. Among our identified studies, Kim et al. (2015) , Lee and Kim (2016) , and Lyons et al. (2018) used Palmore (2001) ’s ageism measure, and Zhang et al. (2018) and Zhang et al. (2019) used the Levy’s et al. (2004) Image of Aging Scale. Palmore’s (2001) measure and Levy’s et al. (2004) measure assess ageism from different perspectives. While Palmer examined discrimination experienced by older adults, the Images of Aging Scale by Levy et al. (2004) could be completed by respondents of any age and asked to rate the degree to which the words or phrases are representative of older adults. That is, Zhang et al. (2018) and Zhang et al. (2019) adopted and revised ageism scales that were specifically designed to measure the attitudes of younger people toward older people. Similarly, Bai et al. (2016) employed a measure of “perceptions of aging as a burden” to examine internalized ageism of older adults. Palmore’s (2001) scale was the only one to examine how older adults felt and responded to being perceived as a stereotype. However, Palmor’s (2001) scale is inadequate since it does not account for all aspects of ageism, and because of the ambiguous terminology, it is difficult to determine how the original meaning of the items was meant to be understood ( Kang, 2020 ). Except for the five studies, other studies in this review used not established scales such as uni-dimensional or simple measures. Ageism is a subjective concept, which requires considerable effort to measure accurately. Considering that ageism can be assessed using cognitive, behavioral, and informative components, a comprehensive set of constructs is necessary, as these constructs contain reliable and valid indicators.
Several limitations were identified in this systematic review. In our search, we identified a limited number of studies; whereas a comprehensive search was conducted, we found only thirteen studies that met the criteria for inclusion. Although we aimed to include all potentially relevant studies through a comprehensive search using a wide range of search strategies, some literature could not be included. For example, we were not able to include studies in languages other than English. Further, we found several articles that discussed the ageism of older adults aged 50+ or 55+. Our review also found many qualitative studies on ageism. Therefore, we suggest that future researchers might consider setting an age cutoff of 50 for the review, which would provide a larger number of studies to consider. In addition, research will be conducted to review more diverse forms of evidence, both quantitatively and qualitatively. Using qualitative research methods can also help to deepen the understanding of ageism, which is an extremely subjective concept.
From our review, we found that ageism can be a significant threat to the well-being of older adults. Ageism is negatively associated with older adults’ psychological health, causing mental health issues such as depression and anxiety and well-being in a negative way. Considering the growing mental health needs of older adults, future research needs to focus on establishing an effective preventive intervention against ageism. The importance of reducing or preventing ageism is often noted ( Nelson, 2005 ; Raposo & Carstensen, 2015 ), but few specific methods or variables have been presented that might help to reduce ageism, especially from the perspective of older adults. The results from the systematic review contribute to building a literature base that can be used to guide future research on developing interventions for older adults.
In light of the rapid growth of aging people, research on ageism should receive greater attention. While ageism, unlike sexism or racism, is a problem that all individuals may potentially face ( Nemmers, 2005 ), its importance has been neglected, and there is much less research on ageism than on sexism and racism ( Kim, 2009 ). Significant scholarly attention should be given to ageism, considering its importance and universality, as it encompasses every generation and the growth of the population of older adults. At this important moment, this systematic review lays the foundation for future work on ageism against older adults.
August 31, 2019 |
---|
1. All (“prejudice” or “stigma” or “labelling” or “stereotyp*“) in anywhere except full text-ALL 2. All (“age*” or “age-related”) in anywhere except full text-ALL 3. All (“ageism” or “ageist” or “age discrimination”) in anywhere except full text-ALL 4. All (“older*” or “elder*” or “senior*” or “aged” or “old age”) in anywhere except full text-ALL 5. All (“psycholo*” or “emotion*” or “mental” or “stress” or “isolation” or “satisfaction”) in anywhere except full text-ALL 6. All (“well-being” or “outcome” or “impact*” or “result*” or “health”) in anywhere except full text-ALL 7. All (“quality of life” or “life satisfaction”) in anywhere except full text-ALL 8. 1 and 2 9. 3 or 8 10.4 and 9 11.5 and 6 12.7 or 11 13.10 and 12 |
August 31, 2019 |
1. Topic: (“prejudice” or “stigma” or “labelling” or “stereotyp*”) 2. Topic: (“age*” or “age-related”) 3. Topic: (“ageism” or “ageist” or “age discrimination”) 4. Topic: (“older*” or “elder*” or “senior*” or “aged” or “old age”) 5. Topic: (“psycholo*" OR “emotion*" OR “mental” OR “stress” OR “isolation” OR “satisfaction") 6. Topic: (“well-being” OR “outcome” OR “impact*" OR “result*" OR “health") 7. Topic: (“quality of life” or “life satisfaction”) 8. 1 and 2 9. 3 or 8 10.4 and 9 11.5 and 6 12.7 or 11 13.10 and 12 |
August 31, 2019 |
1. All (“prejudice” or “stigma” or “labelling” or “stereotyp*“) in anywhere except full text-ALL 2. All (“age*” or “age-related”) in anywhere except full text-ALL 3. All (“ageism” or “ageist” or “age discrimination”) in anywhere except full text-ALL 4. All (“older*” or “elder*” or “senior*” or “aged” or “old age”) in anywhere except full text-ALL 5. All (“psycholo*” or “emotion*” or “mental” or “stress” or “isolation” or “satisfaction”) in anywhere except full text-ALL 6. All (“well-being” or “outcome” or “impact*” or “result*” or “health”) in anywhere except full text-ALL 7. All (“quality of life” or “life satisfaction”) in anywhere except full text-ALL 8. 1 and 2 9. 3 or 8 10.4 and 9 11.5 and 6 12.7 or 11 13.10 and 12 |
PRISMA 2020 Item Checklist
# | # | ||
---|---|---|---|
Title | 1 | Identify the report as a systematic review | 1 |
Abstract | 2 | Provide a structured summary including, as applicable: Background: Main objectives methods: Data sources; study eligibility criteria, participants, and interventions; study appraisal; and synthesis methods, such as network meta-analysis. Results: Number of studies and participants identified; summary estimates with corresponding confidence/credible intervals; treatment rankings may also be discussed. Authors may choose to summarize pairwise comparisons against a chosen treatment included in their analyses for brevity. Discussion/Conclusions: Limitations; conclusions and implications of findings. Other: Primary source of funding; systematic review registration number with registry name | 1 |
Rationale | 3 | Describe the rationale for the review in the context of existing knowledge | 2–3 |
Objectives | 4 | Provide an explicit statement of the objective(s) or question(s) the review addresses | 4–5 |
Eligibility criteria | 5 | Specify the inclusion and exclusion criteria for the review and how studies were grouped for the syntheses | 6–8 |
Information sources | 6 | Specify all databases, registers, websites, organizations, reference lists and other sources searched or consulted to identify studies. Specify the date when each source was last searched or consulted | 8–9 |
Search strategy | 7 | Present the full search strategies for all databases, registers and websites, including any filters and limits used | 8–9, AppendixA |
Selection process | 8 | Specify the methods used to decide whether a study met the inclusion criteria of the review, including how many reviewers screened each record and each report retrieved, whether they worked independently, and if applicable, details of automation tools used in the process | 9–10 |
Data collection process | 9 | Specify the methods used to collect data from reports, including how many reviewers collected data from each report, whether they worked independently, any processes for obtaining or confirming data from study investigators, and if applicable, details of automation tools used in the process | 9–10 |
Data items | 10a | List and define all outcomes for which data were sought. Specify whether all results that were compatible with each outcome domain in each study were sought (e.g., for all measures, time points, analyses), and if not, the methods used to decide which results to collect | 7 |
10b | List and define all other variables for which data were sought (e.g., participant and intervention characteristics, funding sources). Describe any assumptions made about any missing or unclear information | 6–7 | |
Study risk of bias assessment | 11 | Specify the methods used to assess risk of bias in the included studies, including details of the tool(s) used, how many reviewers assessed each study and whether they worked independently, and if applicable, details of automation tools used in the process | 10 |
Effect measures | 12 | Specify for each outcome the effect measure(s) (e.g., risk ratio, mean difference) used in the synthesis or presentation of results | 10 |
Synthesis methods | 13a | Describe the processes used to decide which studies were eligible for each synthesis (e.g., tabulating the study intervention characteristics and comparing against the planned groups for each synthesis (item #5)) | 10 |
13b | Describe any methods required to prepare the data for presentation or synthesis, such as handling of missing summary statistics, or data conversions | N/A | |
13c | Describe any methods used to tabulate or visually display results of individual studies and syntheses | N/A | |
13d | Describe any methods used to synthesize results and provide a rationale for the choice(s). If meta-analysis was performed, describe the model(s), method(s) to identify the presence and extent of statistical heterogeneity, and software package(s) used | N/A | |
13e | Describe any methods used to explore possible causes of heterogeneity among study results (e.g., subgroup analysis, meta-regression) | N/A | |
13f | Describe any sensitivity analyses conducted to assess robustness of the synthesized results | N/A | |
Reporting bias assessment | 14 | Describe any methods used to assess risk of bias due to missing results in a synthesis (arising from reporting biases) | |
Certainty assessment | 15 | Describe any methods used to assess certainty (or confidence) in the body of evidence for an outcome | N/A |
Study selection | 16a | Describe the results of the search and selection process, from the number of records identified in the search to the number of studies included in the review, ideally using a flow diagram | 10–11, |
16b | Cite studies that might appear to meet the inclusion criteria, but which were excluded, and explain why they were excluded | 10–11 | |
Study characteristics | 17 | Cite each included study and present its characteristics | 11–12 and 2 |
Risk of bias in studies | 18 | Present assessments of risk of bias for each included study | 19–20 |
Results of individual studies | 19 | For all outcomes, present, for each study: (a) Summary statistics for each group (where appropriate) and (b) an effect estimate and its precision (e.g., confidence/credible interval), ideally using structured tables or plots | and 4 |
Results of syntheses | 20a | For each synthesis, briefly summarize the characteristics and risk of bias among contributing studies | 11–12 |
20b | Present results of all statistical syntheses conducted. If meta-analysis was done, present for each the summary estimate and its precision (e.g., confidence/credible interval) and measures of statistical heterogeneity. If comparing groups, describe the direction of the effect | 15–18 | |
20c | Present results of all investigations of possible causes of heterogeneity among study results | N/A | |
20d | Present results of all sensitivity analyses conducted to assess the robustness of the synthesized results | 19–20 | |
Reporting biases | 21 | Present assessments of risk of bias due to missing results (arising from reporting biases) for each synthesis assessed | 19–20 |
Certainty of evidence | 22 | Present assessments of certainty (or confidence) in the body of evidence for each outcome assessed | N/A |
Discussion | 23a | Provide a general interpretation of the results in the context of other evidence | 20–21 |
23b | Discuss any limitations of the evidence included in the review | 19–20 | |
23c | Discuss any limitations of the review processes used | 24 | |
23d | Discuss implications of the results for practice, policy, and future research | 21–23 | |
Registration and protocol | 24a | Provide registration information for the review, including register name and registration number, or state that the review was not registered | N/A |
24b | Indicate where the review protocol can be accessed, or state that a protocol was not prepared | N/A | |
24c | Describe and explain any amendments to information provided at registration or in the protocol | N/A | |
Support | 25 | Describe sources of financial or non-financial support for the review, and the role of the funders or sponsors in the review | N/A |
Competing interests | 26 | Declare any competing interests of review authors | N/A |
Availability of data, code and other materials | 27 | Report which of the following are publicly available and where they can be found: Template data collection forms; data extracted from included studies; data used for all analyses; analytic code; any other materials used in the review | N/A |
Note. The PRISMA 2020 item checklist is from Page et al. (2021) .
Declaration of Conflicting Interests: The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding: The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Hyun Kang https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3804-7165
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Therefore, delays in publishing data may increase the expense and overall burden of research including unnecessary use of limited grant funding, study participants' time and collaborator resources. Understandably, applying a 3-year cut-off may be experienced as a controversial or unwelcome development by some.
Other data-rescue projects have been carried out successfully, but many more need to be undertaken before the practice becomes generally accepted as an essential component of research in the Earth sciences. The studies that tend to have the most sensational outcomes are those that have been able to recover information from analogue materials ...
When a group of researchers tried to email the authors of 516 biological studies published between 1991 and 2011 and ask for the raw data, they were dismayed to find that more 90 percent of the ...
The Clinical Center provides hope through pioneering clinical research to improve human health. We rapidly translate scientific observations and laboratory discoveries into new ways to diagnose, treat and prevent disease. More than 500,000 people from around the world have participated in clinical research since the hospital opened in 1953.
Old-school research practices, on the left-hand side of the figure, have led peer reviewers to expect studies with tight narratives that lead to clear, novel findings. Consequently, researchers face increased pressures to produce exciting and statistically significant—and often illusory—results.
Learn more about some of the classic studies in psychology, including experiments performed by Pavlov, Harlow, Skinner, Asch, Milgram, and Zimbardo. ... Explore some of these classic psychology experiments to learn more about some of the best-known research in psychology history. 1. Harlow's Rhesus Monkey Experiments .
5. It depends on the purpose of your reference. If you cite a paper to show the state-of-the-art, then older papers might be only acceptable for very niche fields, without too many publications. If you compare your results with an older paper, than you have to have a good explanation why such comparison is insightful.
A study called SPRINT—and SPRINT MIND, a companion study to SPRINT—sought to determine whether a more aggressive control of blood pressure, taking people with a 140 systolic to 120 instead, could be beneficial and, if so, would it be beneficial if you were a 30-year-old, a 40-year-old, a 60-year-old, or an 80-year-old. That study was ended ...
INTRODUCTION. Older adults (commonly defined as being ≥65 years old) 1 are underrepresented in clinical research in virtually all medical fields, 2-8 and medical guidelines commonly rely on trials that did not include sufficient numbers of such patients, potentially reducing their applicability in this age group. 9-11 For example, medication successfully tested in younger patients can induce ...
Clinical research is the study of health and illness in people. There are two main types of clinical research: observational studies and clinical trials. Read and share this infographic (PDF, 317K) to learn why researchers do different kinds of clinical studies. Observational studies monitor people in normal settings.
The 90+ Study is seeking new participants. If you are at least 90 years old and are willing to participate in twice annual visits and donate your brain to research after death, you may be eligible to enroll in The 90+ Study. Please contact 949.768.3635 or [email protected] for more information. The 90+ Study is a longitudinal research project led ...
I have read that references in scientific papers should be no more than 2-3 years old, since such fields move fast, and no more than 10 years for arts or related fields:. A good rule of thumb is to use sources published in the past 10 years for research in the arts, humanities, literature, history, etc. For faster-paced fields, sources published in the past 2-3 years is a good benchmark since ...
There are various types of scientific studies such as experiments and comparative analyses, observational studies, surveys, or interviews. The choice of study type will mainly depend on the research question being asked. When making decisions, patients and doctors need reliable answers to a number of questions. Depending on the medical condition and patient's personal situation, the following ...
The Human Longevity Laboratory is part of the multi-center Potocsnak Longevity Institute, whose goal is to foster new discoveries and build on Northwestern's ongoing research in the rapidly advancing science of aging. The Institute is funded by a gift from Chicago industrialist John Potocsnak and family. "Aging is a primary risk factor for ...
The Bottom Line. The role of previous studies in research and literature review is crucial in shaping knowledge within any field. Through a comprehensive and critical examination of existing literature, researchers can identify gaps, trends, limitations, and unanswered questions that provide valuable opportunities for future investigation.
Research Guides: Scandinavian Studies 407/408 - Old Norse: Declensions
A new study led by a UC Berkeley psychologist suggests that biases for those with more resources can be traced to beliefs formed as young as 14 months. However, researchers say a preference for richer people may not necessarily be driven by kids' positive evaluations of them. ... Her research points to systemic ways we should begin thinking ...
Walgreens has published case studies from its most recent clinical research work to highlight its enrollment efforts. In one Phase 3 vaccine study, Walgreens exceeded the 5,000-referral goal in ...
2.1. Effect of HRT. Over the years, data regarding the impact of HRT on breast safety and breast cancer mortality have been controversial. Most of the meta-analyses and observational studies performed in the 1990s reported no increase in the risk of breast cancer with estrogen use [].However, some increased risks related to dose and duration of use were found with the administration of ...
Study reveals answer to age-old question By . News.com.au ... The alarming data was obtained from 75 studies conducted with over 55,000 men between 1992 to 2021 which analysed the length of an ...
Limited research has explored balance problems as a prospective risk factor for cardiovascular disease (CVD). This study aimed to characterize the association between balance measures and the risk of incident CVD in a population of 70‐year‐olds. From 2012 to 2022 a cohort of 4927 older ...
The idea that young adults may be worthy of special consideration in criminal cases has circulated for years (e.g., Council of Europe, 2003; Woolard & Scott, 2009), but there is a dearth of research exploring differences between young adults and older adults (e.g., studies often combine all adults 18 and older into a single group).
Healthy adults age 21-55 are needed to take part in a Johns Hopkins research study. The study will require nine total visits to the lab, located at Johns Hopkins Bayview Medical Center. Participants will first complete an in-person screening session (occurs over two days) to determine study eligibility.
A growing body of research has observed an increase in negative attitudes toward older individuals over the years (Nelson, 2005; Scharlach et al., 2000). Several studies have shown that members of the younger generations now exhibit more negative views and attitudes toward older adults than was previously the case (North & Fiske, 2012).