essay about moving house

Essays About Moving to a New Place: Top 5 Examples and 5 Writing Prompts

Moving homes may seem daunting, no matter where you go. If you are writing essays about moving to a new place, you can use our guide to inspire you.

Almost all of us have experienced moving to a new place at least once. As hard as it is for some, it is simply a part of life. Frequently-given reasons for moving include financial difficulty or success, family issues, career opportunities, or just a change of scenery.

Whether you are moving to a new house, village, city, or even country, it can seem scary at first. However, embracing a more positive outlook is crucial so as not to get burnt out. We should think about moving and all changes in our life as encouraging us to learn more and become better people.

5 Essay Examples To Inspire Your Writing

1. finding a new house by ekrmaul haque, 2. first impressions by isabel hui, 3. reflections on moving by colleen quinn, 4. downsizing and moving to the countryside two years on. what it’s really like and some tips if you’re thinking of upping sticks too by jessica rose williams.

5. The Dos and Don’ts of Moving to a New City by Aoife Smith

1. How to Cope with Moving Homes

2. would you choose to move to a new place, 3. a dream location, 4. my experience moving to a new place, 5. moving homes alone vs. with your family.

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“Sometimes it’s really hard to find a place that I like to live and a house that is suitable for me. This time I learn so many things that I can found a new house quickly. While finding a new house I was bit frustrated, however gaining new experience and working with new people was always fun for me. Finally I am happy, and I have started living peacefully in my new place.”

Haque writes about concerns he and many others have when looking for a new house to move into, including safety, cost, and accessibility. These concerns made it quite difficult for him to find a new place to move into; however, he was able to find a nice neighborhood with a place he could move into, one near school and work. You might also be interested in these articles about immigration .

“I didn’t want to come off as a try-hard, but I also didn’t want to be seen as a slob. Not only was it my first day of high school, but it was my first day of school in a new state; first impressions are everything, and it was imperative for me to impress the people who I would spend the next four years with. For the first time in my life, I thought about how convenient it would be to wear the horrendous matching plaid skirts that private schools enforce.”

Hui, whose essay was featured in the New York Times, writes about her anxiety on her first day of school after having moved to a new place. She wanted to make an excellent first impression with what she would wear; Hui coincidentally wore the same outfit as her teacher and could connect with her and share her anxiety and concern. She also gave a speech to the class introducing herself. This, Hui says, was an unforgettable experience that she would treasure. Check out these essays about home .

“In the end, I confess that I am a creature of habit and so moving is always a traumatic experience for me. I always wait until the last minute to start organizing, I always have stuff left over that I’m frantically dealing with on the last day, and I’m always much sadder about leaving than I am excited about my new adventure.”

In her essay, Quinn discusses her feelings when she moves houses: she is excited for the future yet mournful for what once was and all the memories associated with the old house. She takes pictures of her houses to remind her of her life there. She also grows so attached that she holds off on packing up until the last minute. However, she acknowledges that life goes on and is still excited for what comes next.

“Two years later and I’m sat writing this outside said cottage. The sun is filtering through the two giant trees that shade our house and the birds are singing as if they’re in a choir. I can confirm I’m happy and with hindsight I had nothing to worry about, though I do think my concerns were valid. So many of us dream of a different kind of life – a quieter, slower paced life surrounded by nature, yet one that still allows us to enjoy 21st century pleasures.

Williams reminisces about her anxiety when moving into a country cottage, a drastic change from her previous home. However, she has learned to love country living, and moving to a new place has made her happier. She discusses the joys of her new life, such as gardening, the scenic countryside, and peace and quiet. She enjoys her current house more than city living.

5. The Dos and Don’ts of Moving to a New City by Aoife Smith

“But the primary element this ample free time has offered me is time to think about what truly makes an ideal, comfortable life, and what’s necessary for a positive living environment. Of course, the grass is always greener, but perhaps, this awakening has offered me an insight into what the grass needs to grow. It’s tough to hear, but all your bad habits will translate to your new culture so don’t expect to go ‘Eat, Pray, Love’ overnight.”

Smith gives tips on how to adjust to city life well. For example, he tells readers to stay in contact with friends and get out of their comfort zone while also saying not to buy a “too-small” apartment and get a remote job without face-to-face interaction. His tips, having come from someone who has experienced this personally, are perfect for those looking to move to a big city.

5 Prompts for Essays About Moving to a New Place

Essays About Moving to a New Place: How to cope with moving homes

Moving is challenging at first, but overcoming your fear and anxiety is essential. Based on research, personal experience, or both, come up with some tips on how to cope with moving to a new place; elaborate on these in your essay. Explain your tips adequately, and perhaps include some words of reassurance for readers that moving is a good thing.

For a strong argumentative essay, write about whether you would prefer to stay in the home you live in now or to move somewhere else. Then, support your argument, including a discussion and rebuttal of the opposing viewpoint, and explain the benefits of your choice.

Everyone has their own “dream house” of some sort. If you could, where would you move to, and why? It could be a real place or something based on a real place; describe it and explain what makes it so appealing to you.

Almost all of us have experienced moving. In your essay, reflect on when you moved to a new place. How did you adjust? Do you miss your old house? Explain how this moving experience helped form you and be descriptive in your narration.

Most people can attest that moving as a child or with one’s family is a much different experience from moving alone. Based on others; testimonials and anecdotes, compare and contrast these two experiences. To add an interesting perspective, you can also include which of the two you prefer.

For help with your essays, check out our round-up of the best essay checkers .If you still need help, our guide to grammar and punctuation explains more.

Essay on Moving To A New House

Students are often asked to write an essay on Moving To A New House in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Moving To A New House

Moving: an overview.

Moving to a new house is a big change. It can be exciting, but also a bit scary. It means leaving a familiar place and starting fresh in a new one. We have to pack up all our things, say goodbye to our old home, and get ready for a new adventure.

The Packing Process

Packing is a big part of moving. We need to put all our things in boxes. We might find old toys or books we forgot about. It’s a good time to sort through our stuff and decide what to keep and what to give away.

The New House

The new house might feel strange at first. It takes time to get used to a new place. We need to find where everything goes and make it feel like home. This can be fun, like a big puzzle to solve.

Meeting New Friends

Moving also means meeting new people. We might make new friends in our new neighborhood or at our new school. It’s a chance to learn about different people and places.

250 Words Essay on Moving To A New House

Introduction.

Moving to a new house is a big event for everyone. It can be exciting and scary at the same time. You get to live in a new place, make new friends, and start a new life. But also, you have to leave behind your old house, old friends, and familiar things.

Feelings About Moving

Some people feel happy about moving because they look forward to new experiences. They want to see new places and meet new people. Others feel sad because they will miss their old house and friends. They are also scared because they don’t know what the new place will be like.

Preparing for the Move

Moving to a new house needs a lot of work. You have to pack all your things in boxes. You have to sort out what to keep and what to throw away. You also have to clean the old house and the new house. It can be tiring but it can also be fun. You can find old things that you forgot about and remember good times.

Settling in the New House

Once you move, you have to unpack and arrange your things in the new house. It takes time to get used to the new place. You have to learn where things are, like the shops and the school. You also have to make new friends. It can be hard at first, but after some time, it can feel like home.

Moving to a new house is a big change. It can be hard and it can be fun. It is a chance to start a new life and make new memories. So, even if it is scary, it can also be a good thing.

500 Words Essay on Moving To A New House

The feeling of moving.

When you first find out you’re moving, you might feel a lot of different emotions. You might feel happy about the chance to start fresh in a new place. You might also feel sad about leaving your old house, your friends, and everything that’s familiar to you. It’s normal to feel all these things. It’s part of the process of moving and starting a new chapter in your life.

Getting ready to move to a new house involves a lot of work. First, you have to pack up all your things. This can be a good chance to get rid of stuff you don’t need anymore. You can donate it, sell it, or just throw it away. Then, you have to make sure everything is clean and ready for the people who will live in your old house after you.

The Day of the Move

Settling into the new house.

Once you’ve moved all your things into your new house, it’s time to start making it feel like home. You can arrange your furniture, hang up pictures, and start getting to know your new neighborhood. It might take a little while to get used to your new house and feel comfortable there. But with time, it will start to feel like home.

Moving to a new house is a big change. It can be hard to leave your old house and everything that’s familiar to you. But it can also be an exciting adventure. You get to start fresh in a new place, meet new people, and make new memories. So even though it can be scary, it’s also something to look forward to. And remember, home is not just a place, it’s a feeling. So no matter where you move, you can always make your new house feel like home.

If you’re looking for more, here are essays on other interesting topics:

Apart from these, you can look at all the essays by clicking here .

Embracing Change: a Narrative of Moving to a New Place

Categories: Human Migration

About this sample

Words: 644 |

Published: Sep 5, 2023

Words: 644 | Page: 1 | 4 min read

The decision and anticipation, navigating the transition, embracing the unfamiliar, conclusion: a continuum of change and discovery.

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My childhood home became my world during the pandemic. Then, we moved

When I first moved away from home and into my college dorm, my family bought a new couch.

They replaced our brown, well-worn leather sofa with a tan sectional, featuring cupholders and a reclining option for every family member — even a corner for the dog. Then, they fostered a puppy. He was young and hyperactive and antagonized our dog by jumping on his back and stealing his bed.

I thought our house — a place I had called home my entire life — couldn’t have changed any more than that. But in March 2020, I moved back home because of the coronavirus pandemic .

The new couch represented a big change at our old house.

And then, in what had already become an upside-down world, we moved out of my childhood home altogether.

A house full of memories

My parents moved into our white house with hunter green doors and matching shutters right after it was built in 1999. It was a new neighborhood in Charlotte, North Carolina, with one main street lined with tract houses, each with a square plot of land out front marked with a tree. As I grew up, so did the neighborhood, expanding into the community that it is today.

That house was where I first met my two younger brothers after they were taken home from the hospital. It’s where we all learned to walk, watched “The Wiggles” for hours on end and memorized multiplication tables. At that kitchen table, I was told about my mom’s pregnancy, the marriage of my aunt and the death of grandparents. Every monumental event in my life was rooted to that house.

My move back home mid-sophomore year became yet another defining experience tied to that physical space.

Our old house with its signature green door and matching shutters.

The pandemic transformed my house into my entire world. With local stay-at-home orders, there was nowhere else to go. My desk became my classroom, and, later that summer, it served as my newsroom during my first journalism internship. Our kitchen table became part office, part co-working space. The playroom turned into a dorm lounge, where I would talk with my brothers and sometimes join them for a video game when the boredom really sunk in.

And my favorite place of all, our living room, turned into our movie theater as we watched a full lineup of shows and movies each night, starting with “Jeopardy!” and usually ending with a rerun of “The Office.”

Nostalgia was a comforting emotion to surround myself with. The past was fixed. And the future had never been more uncertain.

Our house was well lived in. Closets overflowed, our attic was full, and in every drawer, you could find old crayons, a lost pair of scissors and a drawing from someone’s elementary school art class. I didn’t like to throw things away. What if I needed it one day? Every nook and cranny was occupied by something, and even if it seemed like we didn’t have enough room, we’d make some.

My parents had always said we would move one day. But it was always one of those far-off notions — something that may happen someday but not anytime soon.

But when our house became our whole world and our weekends were limited to entertainment inside, my parents started taking on home improvement projects. We repainted my room from neon turquoise to a neutral beige. We fixed the doorknob-shaped hole in our playroom wall and painted over the crayon drawings hidden in our old playroom. I remember having a passing thought that maybe it was all done just so we could live more comfortably here.

But I soon found out the reality: We were getting it ready to sell it.

Uprooting — fueled in large part by remote work — has become a part of the pandemic narrative. Data from the United States Postal Service shows that in 2020, more than 7 million households moved to a different county as many people moved from big cities to the suburbs, an increase of half a million compared to 2019. But the Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University found that these upticks in early and late 2020 did not represent "a significant change from prior years in the total number of moves."

Whatever trend the data ultimately end up validating, my family's move was just one of many during remarkably unsettling times.

Growing up, I liked the idea of moving. It always sounded exciting. Anytime a new student joined my class, I would pepper them with questions: How did you pack everything? How could you carry it? How did your furniture fit through doors?

But in June 2020, my parents told us over dinner that we were officially selling the house. It was finally my turn to go through the excitement of a big move, but I felt more like a child forced to part with her security blanket.

During the early days of the pandemic, my friends and I joked that we had regressed. I started re-watching my favorite show from high school, “The Vampire Diaries,” and reread every single “Percy Jackson” book, including the spinoff series. I forced my brothers to play old board games like the Game of Life, Trouble and Sorry with me. Nostalgia was a comforting emotion to surround myself with. The past was fixed. And the future had never been more uncertain.

So the idea of packing everything up and moving into a new space gave me a feeling of grief for the 20 years I had spent there. I’d never again look out my window and see the view of our empty backyard, which had been occupied by a play set and then a trampoline at various times in my life. I’d miss running in our neighborhood’s perfect loop or walking my dog on his favorite route. And I’d miss being able to lean over the railing of the second story to have a conversation with my family downstairs.

For (my brothers), the new house looked like a brand new playground. To me, I felt like I was finally leaving one.

My family moved just as Charlotte was entering a hot seller's market, mirroring a real estate trend seen across the country. By the end of 2020, inventory in the city shrank 28.4% and sales increased by 8.5%, leading to a 32% decrease in the supply of homes, according to the Charlotte Business Journal .

In a sign of the times — with many buyers waiving contingencies and home inspections — the family who bought our old house wrote my parents a letter when they submitted an offer, expressing their vision of raising their two young children there. It felt like we were passing our house down to a family with kids who would grow up there, just like my brothers and I had.

My parents bought a house about 10 minutes away, and we were set to move the first week of August. This coincided with the last week of my summer internship and was exactly one week before I was set to move back to the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill to start my junior year of college.

My childhood bedroom, almost entirely packed up

Packing was the worst part. I tried to keep everything organized, but as I continued to put off the task, I ended up throwing everything into brown boxes, refusing to think about the experience of unpacking it all.

On the last day, everything was bare. The furniture was gone, the closets were empty and it didn’t even look like a home anymore. My best friend came over to help me move the essentials, and so she could get one last look at the house that was the backdrop of our friendship.

I recorded a video while walking through each of the rooms. I remember being so terrified that I’d forget what it looked like. I took a picture with my parents in front of our green door. I’m smiling, but there are tears on my cheeks.

I took a picture with my parents in front of our green door. I’m smiling, but there are tears on my cheeks.

Moving into the new house was a blur. Breaking news meant that I was constantly glued to my computer as the university desk editor of The Daily Tar Heel, and I barely looked up to notice what the new house looked like. My room remained filled with boxes, with just a desk for work and a bed to sleep in. I’ll unpack later, I remember telling myself.

My brothers were ecstatic about the move. The new house meant more space and a flat driveway, so they could finally set up a basketball hoop outside. For them, the new house looked like a brand new playground. To me, I felt like I was finally leaving one.

But then I moved into my first college apartment the next week. And it wasn’t until winter break that I finally went back home. I told myself that I was too busy to visit, which was true. But there was a part of me that worried that “going home” just wouldn’t feel like being home.

Making a house a home

Due to the pandemic, our winter break that year was long, almost double its normal length. When I got home, the room I had left, sparse and filled with cardboard boxes, was gone. My mom had unpacked everything, even down to setting up my bookshelf and filling it. She found a painting of a blue flower at Home Goods and hung it behind my bed. She put old canvases I had made on the opposite walls and turned the room into something comfortable.

Many things changed in the new house, but some sure did not.

But I didn’t see the physical space. What I saw was my mother’s love and care, wanting to make sure that this new house wasn’t just my family’s home, but mine as well. She always says her favorite times are when we are all under the same roof.

And I realized that’s why I loved my old house so much. Because it marked the place where we all sheltered together in one space, just a few feet away from each other. College took that away. Then a pandemic gave it back. And I perceived moving as taking it away again.

Over that break, I started my first book stack right beside my bed — the first of many. I hung up pictures on the wall and organized my shelves. I moved my desk and ordered my clothes by style, the way I like it.

It marked the first change toward becoming my room in the new house — the house that kept my family together under one roof, and the place I can always come home to.

Maddie Ellis is a weekend editor at TODAY Digital.

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Example essay on Moving to a New House

Moving to a new house is an equally difficult experience for youngsters or maybe even more than the children because children have more ability and natural excitement which help them cope up with the new changes in their lifestyles and environment. Whether it’s a new town, city, or a county, the decision of moving to a new house itself is one of the huge transformations in one’s life. Children usually take less time in breaking the old attachments and establishing new ones. While on the other side, the youngster may take more than the expected time to get used to of their new surroundings and people.

Communication, Choice, and Excitement

It is really important for both the parents and children to offer helping hands and have open communication with each other after moving to a new house. As a parent, I would suggest to allow children to talk about the difficulties they are facing currently to give them the confidence that they are not alone in anything.

It might be equally helpful for the children if their parents ask them about their “choices” of color, paint, or any little accessory of the home. It would make them feel that they somehow have some control over the entire process of moving into an entirely new home and place. Moreover, the fear of the unknown is quite natural and common which needs to be transformed into excitement by making a visit to new places and people.

Celebrations & Memories

Parents or siblings can throw a goodbye party at their old home before leaving the place to be able to acknowledge the fact gracefully that they are about to leave. Similarly, it is suggested to make celebrations with your family at your new place as well to create beautiful memories.

Since your family members are the people who are the closest to you in the entire world, you must help the shy and reserved ones among you by making their social life interactions easier and fun for them.

Shortcomings & Perks

Since every new place is different from the previous one, it is quite natural to focus on the shortcomings of your new home and area. As in my case, the shortcomings include a long distance from the work, shortage of water, and no parking space. But what I noticed is that you should focus on the perks instead which you were not able to enjoy in your old home.

I sat down and realized the beautiful greenery, fresh air and environment of my new home where I can spend a lot of quality and relaxing time in my lawn. It is equally important to try to fix the shortcomings to add as much convenience to your life as possible.

So, the decision of moving to a new home is just like a rollercoaster ride in which you experience different emotional phases at different points. However, the need of the hour is to make new attachments, relations, and restart everything thinking that you are gifted with a new life.

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Open access
Published: 09 September 2024

Exploring the impact of housing insecurity on the health and wellbeing of children and young people in the United Kingdom: a qualitative systematic review

Emma S. Hock 1 ,
Lindsay Blank 1 ,
Hannah Fairbrother 1 ,
Mark Clowes 1 ,
Diana Castelblanco Cuevas 1 ,
Andrew Booth 1 ,
Amy Clair 2 &
Elizabeth Goyder 1

BMC Public Health volume 24 , Article number: 2453 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

Metrics details

Housing insecurity can be understood as experiencing or being at risk of multiple house moves that are not through choice and related to poverty. Many aspects of housing have all been shown to impact children/young people’s health and wellbeing. However, the pathways linking housing and childhood health and wellbeing are complex and poorly understood.

We undertook a systematic review synthesising qualitative data on the perspectives of children/young people and those close to them, from the United Kingdom (UK). We searched databases, reference lists, and UK grey literature. We extracted and tabulated key data from the included papers, and appraised study quality. We used best fit framework synthesis combined with thematic synthesis, and generated diagrams to illustrate hypothesised causal pathways.

We included 59 studies and identified four populations: those experiencing housing insecurity in general (40 papers); associated with domestic violence (nine papers); associated with migration status (13 papers); and due to demolition-related forced relocation (two papers). Housing insecurity took many forms and resulted from several interrelated situations, including eviction or a forced move, temporary accommodation, exposure to problematic behaviour, overcrowded/poor-condition/unsuitable property, and making multiple moves. Impacts included school-related, psychological, financial and family wellbeing impacts, daily long-distance travel, and poor living conditions, all of which could further exacerbate housing insecurity. People perceived that these experiences led to mental and physical health problems, tiredness and delayed development. The impact of housing insecurity was lessened by friendship and support, staying at the same school, having hope for the future, and parenting practices. The negative impacts of housing insecurity on child/adolescent health and wellbeing may be compounded by specific life circumstances, such as escaping domestic violence, migration status, or demolition-related relocation.

Housing insecurity has a profound impact on children and young people. Policies should focus on reducing housing insecurity among families, particularly in relation to reducing eviction; improving, and reducing the need for, temporary accommodation; minimum requirements for property condition; and support to reduce multiple and long-distance moves. Those working with children/young people and families experiencing housing insecurity should prioritise giving them optimal choice and control over situations that affect them.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

The impacts of socioeconomic position in childhood on adult health outcomes and mortality are well documented in quantitative analyses (e.g., [ 1 ]). Housing is a key mechanism through which social and structural inequalities can impact health [ 2 ]. The impact of housing conditions on child health are well established [ 3 ]. Examining the wellbeing of children and young people within public health overall is of utmost importance [ 4 ]. Children and young people (and their families) who are homeless are a vulnerable group with particular difficulty in accessing health care and other services, and as such, meeting their needs should be a priority [ 5 ].

An extensive and diverse evidence base captures relationships between housing and health, including both physical and mental health outcomes. Much of the evidence relates to the quality of housing and specific aspects of poor housing including cold and damp homes, poorly maintained housing stock or inadequate housing leading to overcrowded accommodation [ 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 ]. The health impacts of housing insecurity, together with the particular vulnerability of children and young people to the effects of not having a secure and stable home environment, continue to present a cause for increased concern [ 7 , 8 , 11 , 14 ]. The National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR) Public Health Reviews (PHR) Programme commissioned the current review in response to concerns about rising levels of housing insecurity and the impact of housing insecurity on the health and wellbeing of children and young people in the United Kingdom (UK).

Terminology and definitions related to housing insecurity

Numerous diverse terms are available to define housing insecurity, with no standard definition or validated instrument. For the purpose of our review, we use the terminology and definitions used by the Children’s Society, which are comprehensive and based directly on research with children that explores the relationship between housing and wellbeing [ 15 ]. They use the term “housing insecurity” for those experiencing and at risk of multiple moves that are (i) not through choice and (ii) related to poverty [ 15 ]. This reflects their observation that multiple moves may be a positive experience if they are by choice and for positive reasons (e.g., employment opportunities; moves to better housing or areas with better amenities). This definition also acknowledges that the wider health and wellbeing impacts of housing insecurity may be experienced by families that may not have experienced frequent moves but for whom a forced move is a very real possibility. The Children’s Society definition of housing insecurity encompasses various elements (see Table 1 ).

Housing insecurity in the UK today – the extent of the problem

Recent policy and research reports from multiple organisations in the UK highlight a rise in housing insecurity among families with children [ 19 , 22 , 23 ]. Housing insecurity has grown following current trends in the cost and availability of housing, reflecting in particular the rapid increase in the number of low-income families with children in the private rental sector [ 19 , 22 , 24 ], where housing tenures are typically less secure. The ending of a tenancy in the private rental sector was the main cause of homelessness given in 15,500 (27% of claims) of applications for homelessness assistance in 2017/18, up from 6,630 (15% of claims) in 2010/11 for example [ 25 ]. The increased reliance on the private rented sector for housing is partly due to a lack of social housing and unaffordability of home ownership [ 23 ]. The nature of tenure in the private rental sector and gap between available benefits and housing costs means even low-income families that have not experienced frequent moves may experience the negative impacts of being at persistent risk of having to move [ 26 ]. Beyond housing benefit changes, other changes to the social security system have been linked with increased housing insecurity. The roll-out of Universal Credit Footnote 1 , with its built-in waits for payments, has been linked with increased rent arrears [ 27 , 28 ]. The introduction of the benefit cap, which limits the amount of social security payments a household can receive, disproportionately affects housing support and particularly affecting lone parents [ 29 , 30 , 31 ].

The increase in families experiencing housing insecurity, including those living with relatives or friends (the ‘hidden homeless’) and those in temporary accommodation provided by local authorities, are a related consequence of the lack of suitable or affordable rental properties, which is particularly acute for lone parents and larger families. The numbers of children and young people entering the social care system or being referred to social services because of family housing insecurity contributes further evidence on the scale and severity of the problem [ 32 ].

The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated housing insecurity in the UK [ 24 ], with the impacts continuing to be felt. In particular, the pandemic increased financial pressures on families (due to loss of income and increased costs for families with children/young people at home). These financial pressures were compounded by a reduction in informal temporary accommodation being offered by friends and family due to social isolation precautions [ 24 ]. Further, the COVID-19 pandemic underscored the risks to health posed by poor housing quality (including overcrowding) and housing insecurity [ 24 , 33 ]. Recent research with young people in underserved communities across the country also highlighted their experience of the uneven impact of COVID-19 for people in contrasting housing situations [ 34 ].

While the temporary ban on bailiff-enforced evictions, initiated due to the pandemic, went some way towards acknowledging the pandemic’s impact on housing insecurity, housing organisations are lobbying for more long-term strategies to support people with pandemic-induced debt and rent-arrears [ 33 ]. The Joseph Rowntree Foundation has warned of the very real risk of a ‘two-tier recovery’ from the pandemic, highlighting the ‘disproportionate risks facing people who rent their homes’ ([ 35 ], para. 1). Their recent large-scale survey found that one million renting households worry about being evicted in the next three months, and half of these were families with children [ 35 ]. The survey also found that households with children, renters from ethnic minority backgrounds and households on low incomes are disproportionately affected by pandemic-induced debt and rent arrears [ 35 ].

The cost-of-living crisis is exacerbating the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, with many households experiencing or set to experience housing insecurity due to relative reductions in income accompanying increases in rent and mortgage repayments [ 36 ]. People experiencing or at risk of housing insecurity are disproportionately affected, due to higher food and utility costs [ 37 ].

Research evidence on relationships between housing in childhood and health

Housing is a key social determinant of health, and a substantive evidence base of longitudinal cohort studies and intervention studies supports a causal relationship between the quality, affordability and stability of housing and child health [ 38 ]. Evidence includes immediate impacts on mental and physical health outcomes and longer-term life course effects on wider determinants of health including education, employment and income as well as health outcomes [ 39 ].

The negative health impact of poor physical housing conditions has been well documented [ 40 , 41 ]. Housing instability and low housing quality are associated with worse psychological health among young people and parents [ 42 , 43 ]. The UK National Children’s Bureau [ 22 ] draws attention to US-based research showing that policies that reduced housing insecurity for young children can help to improve their emotional health [ 44 ], and that successful strategies for reducing housing insecurity have the potential to reduce negative outcomes for children with lived experience of housing insecurity, including emotional and behavioural problems, lower academic attainment and poor adult health and wellbeing [ 45 ]. A variety of pathways have been implicated in the relationship between housing insecurity and child health and wellbeing, including depression and psychological distress in parents, material hardships and difficulties in maintaining a good bedtime routine [ 38 ]. Frequent moves are also associated with poorer access to preventive health services, reflected, for example, in lower vaccination rates [ 46 , 47 ].

Housing tenure, unstable housing situations and the quality or suitability of homes are inter-related [ 48 ]. For example, if families are concerned that if they lost their home they would not be able to afford alternative accommodation, they may be more likely to stay in smaller or poor-quality accommodation or in a neighbourhood where they are further from work, school or family support. In this way, housing insecurity can lead to diverse negative health and wellbeing impacts relating to housing and the neighbourhoods, even if in the family does not experience frequent moves or homelessness [ 49 ]. Thus, the relationship between housing insecurity and child health is likely to be complicated by the frequent coexistence of poor housing conditions or unsuitable housing with housing insecurity. The relationship between unstable housing situations and health outcomes is further confounded by other major stressors, such as poverty and changes in employment and family structure, which may lead to frequent moves.

The evidence from cohort studies that show a relationship between housing insecurity, homelessness or frequent moves in childhood and health related outcomes can usefully quantify the proportion of children/young people and families at risk of poorer health associated with housing instability. It can, however, only suggest plausible causal associations. Further, the ‘less tangible aspects of housing’ such as instability are poorly understood [ 40 ]. Additional (and arguably stronger) evidence documenting the relationship between housing insecurity and health/wellbeing comes from the case studies and qualitative interviews with children and young people and families that explore the direct and indirect impacts of housing insecurity on their everyday lives and wellbeing. Thus, the current review aimed to identify, appraise and synthesise research evidence that explores the relationship between housing insecurity and the health and wellbeing among children and young people. We aimed to highlight the relevant factors and causal mechanisms to make evidence-based recommendations for policy, practice and future research priorities.

We undertook a systematic review synthesising qualitative data, employing elements of rapid review methodology in recognition that the review was time-constrained. This involved two steps: (1) a single screening by one reviewer of titles and abstracts, with a sample checked by another reviewer; and (2) a single data extraction and quality assessment, with a sample checked by another reviewer) [ 50 , 51 , 52 ]. The protocol is registered on the PROSPERO registry, registration number CRD42022327506.

Search strategy

Searches of the following databases were conducted on 8th April 2022 (from 2000 to April 2022): MEDLINE, EMBASE and PsycINFO (via Ovid); ASSIA and IBSS (via ProQuest) and Social Sciences Citation Index (via Web of Science). Due to the short timescales for this project, searches aimed to balance sensitivity with specificity, and were conceptualised around the following concepts: (housing insecurity) and (children or families) and (experiences); including synonyms, and with the addition of a filter to limit results to the UK where available [ 53 ]. To expedite translation of search strings across different databases, searches prioritised free text search strings (including proximity operators), in order to retrieve relevant terms where they occurred in titles, abstracts or any other indexing field (including subject headings). The searches of ASSIA and IBSS (via ProQuest) and Social Sciences Citation Index (via Web of Science) used a simplified strategy adapted from those reproduced in Additional File 1. Database searching was accompanied by scrutiny of reference lists of included papers and relevant systematic reviews (within search dates), and grey literature searching (see Supplementary Table 1, Additional File 2), which was conducted and documented using processes outlined by Stansfield et al . [ 54 ].

Inclusion criteria

We included qualitative studies, including qualitative elements of mixed methods studies from published and grey literature (excluding dissertations and non-searchable books), that explored the impact of housing insecurity, defined according to the Children’s Society [ 15 ] definition (which includes actual or perceived insecurity related to housing situations), on immediate and short-term outcomes related to childhood mental and physical health and wellbeing (up to the age of 16), among families experiencing / at risk of housing insecurity in the UK (including low-income families, lone-parent families, and ethnic minority group families including migrants, refugees and asylum seekers). Informants could include children and young people themselves, parents / close family members, or other informants with insight into the children and young people’s experiences. Children and young people outside a family unit (i.e., who had left home or were being looked after by the local authority) and families from Roma and Irish Traveller communities were excluded, as their circumstances are likely to differ substantially from the target population.

Study selection

Search results from electronic databases were downloaded to a reference management application (EndNote). The titles and abstracts of all records were screened against the inclusion criteria by one of three reviewers and checked for agreement by a further reviewer. Full texts of articles identified at abstract screening were screened against the inclusion criteria by one reviewer. A proportion (10%) of papers excluded at the full paper screening stage were checked by a second reviewer. Any disagreements were resolved through discussion.

Grey literature searches and screening were documented in a series of tables [ 54 ]. One reviewer (of two) screened titles of relevant web pages and reports against the inclusion criteria for each web platform searched, and downloaded and screened the full texts of potentially eligible titles. Queries relating to selection were checked by another reviewer, with decisions discussed among the review team until a consensus was reached.

One reviewer (of two) screened reference lists of included studies and relevant reviews for potentially relevant papers. One reviewer downloaded the abstracts and full texts of relevant references and assessed them for relevance.

Data extraction

We devised a data extraction form based on forms that the team has previously tested for similar reviews of public health topics. Three reviewers piloted the extraction form and suggested revisions were agreed before commencing further extraction. Three reviewers extracted and tabulated key data from the included papers and grey literature sources, with one reviewer completing data extraction of each study and a second reviewer formally checking a 10% sample for accuracy and consistency. The following data items were extracted: author and year, location, aims, whether housing insecurity was an aim, study design, analysis, who the informants were, the housing situation of the family, reasons for homelessness or housing insecurity, conclusion, relevant policy/practice implications and limitations. Any qualitative data relating to housing insecurity together with some aspect of health or wellbeing in children and young people aged 0–16 years were extracted, including authors’ themes (to provide context), authors’ interpretations, and verbatim quotations from participants. We sought to maintain fidelity to author and participant terminologies and phrasing throughout.

Quality appraisal

Peer-reviewed academic literature was appraised using the Critical Appraisal Skills Programme (CASP) checklist for qualitative studies [ 55 ] and the quality of grey literature sources (webpages and reports) was appraised using the Authority, Accuracy, Coverage, Objectivity, Date, Significance (AACODS) checklist [ 56 ]. Because of concerns about the lack of peer review and/or the absence of a stated methodology, it was decided to use the AACODS tool that extends beyond simple assessment of study design. A formal quality assessment checklist was preferred for journal articles that passed these two entry criteria. One reviewer performed quality assessment, with a second reviewer formally checking a 10% sample for accuracy and consistency.

Development of the conceptual framework

Prior to undertaking the current review, we undertook preliminary literature searches to identify an appropriate conceptual framework or logic model to guide the review and data synthesis process. However, we were unable to identify a framework that specifically focused on housing insecurity among children and young people and that was sufficiently broad to capture relevant contexts, exposures and impacts. We therefore developed an a priori conceptual framework based on consultation with key policy and practice stakeholders and topic experts and examination of key policy documents (see Fig. 1 ).

A priori conceptual framework for the relationship between housing insecurity and the health and wellbeing of children and young people

We initially consulted policy experts who identified relevant organisations including research centres, charities and other third sector organisations. We obtained relevant policy reports from organisational contacts and websites, including Child Poverty Action Group (CPAG), Crisis, Joseph Rowntree Foundation (JRF) and HACT (Housing Association Charitable Trust), NatCen (People Living in Bad Housing, 2013), the UK Collaborative Centre for Housing Evidence (CaCHE), and the Centre on Household Assets and Savings Management (CHASM) (Homes and Wellbeing, 2018). We also identified a key report on family homelessness from the Children’s Commissioner (Bleak Houses. 2019) and a joint report from 11 charities and advocacy organisations published by Shelter (Post-Covid Policy: Child Poverty, Social Security and Housing, 2022). We also consulted local authority officers with responsibility for housing and their teams in two local councils and third sector providers of housing-related support to young people and families (Centrepoint). Stakeholders and topic experts were invited to comment on the potential focus of the review and the appropriate definitions and scope for the ‘exposure’ (unstable housing), the population (children and young people) and outcomes (health and wellbeing). Exposures relate to how children and families experience housing insecurity, impacts are intermediate outcomes that may mediate the effects of housing insecurity on health and wellbeing (e.g., the psychological, social, and environmental consequences of experiencing housing insecurity), and outcomes are childhood health and wellbeing effects of housing insecurity (including the effects of the impacts/intermediate outcomes).

The contextual factors and main pathways between housing-related factors and the health and wellbeing of children and young people identified were incorporated into the initial conceptual framework. We then used this conceptual framework to guide data synthesis.

Data synthesis

We adopted a dual approach whereby we synthesised data according to the a priori conceptual framework and sought additional themes, categories and nuance inductively from the data, in an approach consistent with the second stage of ‘best fit framework synthesis’ [ 57 , 58 ]. We analysed inductive themes using the Thomas and Harden [ 59 ] approach to thematic synthesis, but coded text extracts (complete sentences or clauses) instead of coding line by line [ 60 , 61 ].

First, one reviewer (of two) coded text extracts inductively and within the conceptual framework, simultaneously, linking each relevant text extract to both an inductive code based on the content of the text extract, and to an element of the conceptual framework. We assigned multiple codes to some extracts, and the codes could be linked to any single element or to multiple elements of the conceptual framework. During the process of data extraction, we identified four distinct populations, and coded (and synthesised) data discretely for each population. We initially coded data against the ‘exposure’, ‘impacts’ and ‘outcomes’ elements of the conceptual framework, however we subsequently added a further element within the data; ‘protective factors’. One reviewer then examined the codes relating to each element of the conceptual framework and grouped the codes according to conceptual similarity and broader meaning, reporting the thematic structure and relationships between concepts apparent from the text extracts both narratively and within a diagram to illustrate hypothesised causal pathways within the original conceptual framework, to highlight links between specific exposures, impacts and outcomes for each population. While we synthesised the findings by population initially, and present separate diagrams for each population, we present overall findings in this manuscript due to several similarities and then highlight any important differences for the domestic violence, migrant/refugee/asylum seeker, and relocation populations.

Study selection and included studies

Here we report the results of our three separate searchers. First, the database searches generated 3261 records after the removal of duplicates. We excluded 3025 records after title and abstract screening, examined 236 full texts, and included 16 peer-reviewed papers (reporting on 16 studies). The reasons for exclusion of each paper are provided in the Supplementary Table 2, Additional File 3. Second, we examined 726 grey literature sources (after an initial title screen) and included 37 papers. Third, we examined 85 papers that we identified as potentially relevant from the references lists of included papers and relevant reviews, and included six (two of which were peer-reviewed publications). Figure 2 summarises the process of study selection and Table 2 presents a summary of study characteristics. Of the included studies, 16 took place across the UK as a whole, one was conducted in England and Scotland, one in England and Wales and 17 in England. In terms of specific locations, where these were reported, 13 were reported to have been conducted in London (including specific boroughs or Greater London), two in Birmingham, one in Fife, two in Glasgow, one in Leicester, one in Rotherham and Doncaster, and one in Sheffield. The location of one study was not reported (Table 2 ).

Flow diagram of study selection

We identified four distinct populations for which research evidence was available during the process of study selection and data extraction:

General population (evidence relating to housing insecurity in general) (reported in 40 papers);

Domestic violence population (children and young people experiencing housing insecurity associated with domestic violence) (reported in nine papers);

Migrant, refugee and asylum seeker population (children and young people experiencing housing insecurity associated with migration status) (reported in 13 papers);

Relocation population (evidence relating to families forced to relocate due to planned demolition) (reported in two papers).

Evidence relating to each of these populations was synthesised separately as the specific housing circumstances may impact health and wellbeing differently and we anticipated that specific considerations would relate to each population. Some studies reported evidence for more than one population.

Quality of evidence

The quality of evidence varied across the studies, with published literature generally being of higher quality than grey literature and containing more transparent reporting of methods, although reporting of methods of data collection and analysis varied considerably within the grey literature. All 18 peer-reviewed studies reported an appropriate methodology, addressing the aim of the study with an adequate design. Eleven of the 18 peer-reviewed studies reported ethical considerations, and only two reported reflexivity. Most studies had an overall assessment of moderate-high quality (based on the endorsement of most checklist items) and no studies were excluded based on quality. Most of the grey literature originated from known and valued sources (e.g., high-profile charities specialising in poverty and housing, with the research conducted by university-based research teams). Although methodologies and methods were often poorly described (or not at all), primary data in the form of quotations was usually available and suitable to contribute to the development of themes within the evidence base as a whole. Quality appraisals of included studies are presented in Supplementary Tables 3 and 4, Additional File 4.

Housing insecurity and the health and wellbeing of children and young people

The updated conceptual framework for the impact of housing insecurity on the health and wellbeing of children aged 0–16 years in family units is presented in Fig. 3 for the general population, Fig. 4 for the domestic violence population, Fig. 5 for the refugee/migrant/asylum seeker population, and Fig. 6 for the relocation population (arrows represent links identified in the evidence and coloured arrows are used to distinguish links relating to each element of the model). Table 3 outlines the themes, framework components and studies reporting data for each theme.

Conceptual framework for the relationship between housing insecurity and health and wellbeing in the general population

Conceptual framework for the relationship between housing insecurity and health and wellbeing in the domestic violence population

Conceptual framework for the relationship between housing insecurity and health and wellbeing in the migrant, refugee and asylum seeker population

Conceptual framework for the relationship between housing insecurity and health and wellbeing in the relocation population

Exposures are conceptualised as the manifestations of housing insecurity – that is, how the children and young people experience it – and housing insecurity was experienced in multiple and various ways. These included trouble paying for housing, eviction or the prospect of eviction, making multiple moves, living in temporary accommodation, and the inaccessibility of suitable accommodation.

Fundamentally, a key driver of housing insecurity is poverty. Parents and, in some cases, young people cited the high cost of housing, in particular housing benefit not fully covering the rent amount [ 116 ], trouble making housing payments and falling into arrears [ 15 , 92 , 97 ]. Sometimes, families were evicted for non-payment [ 15 , 102 ], often linked to the rising cost of housing [ 109 ] or loss of income [ 102 ]. Some children and young people were not aware of reasons for eviction [ 90 ], and the prospect of facing eviction was also a source of housing insecurity [ 116 ].

The cost of housing could lead to families having to move multiple times [ 116 ], with lack of affordability and the use of short-term tenancies requiring multiple moves [ 109 , 116 ]. Children and young people were not always aware of the reasons for multiple moves [ 15 ]. Multiple moves could impact upon education and friendships [ 77 , 82 ].

Living in temporary housing was a common experience of housing insecurity [ 15 , 71 , 87 , 90 , 94 , 98 , 111 , 112 , 113 , 114 ]. Temporary housing caused worry at the thought of having to move away from school and friends [ 91 ] and acute distress, which manifested as bedwetting, night waking and emotional and behavioural issues at school [ 66 ]. Living in a hostel for a period of time could lead to friendship issues due to not being able to engage in sleepovers with friends [ 102 ].

The inaccessibility of suitable accommodation also contributed to insecurity. Sometimes, when a family needed to move, they had to fulfil certain requirements, for instance, to decorate their overcrowded 3-bedroom accommodation to be eligible for a more suitable property [ 15 ]. Further, some families encountered the barrier of landlords who would not accept people on benefits [ 15 , 85 , 117 ]. Waiting lists for social housing could be prohibitively long [ 97 , 98 , 116 ].

Dual exposures and impacts

Some phenomena were found to be both exposures and impacts of housing insecurity, in that some issues and experiences that were impacts of housing insecurity further exacerbated the living situation, causing further insecurity. These included not feeling safe, exposure to problematic behaviour, living far away from daily activities, overcrowding, and poor or unsuitable condition properties.

Not feeling safe was frequently reported by children and young people, and by parents in relation to the safety of children and young people. Parents and children and young people described being moved to neighbourhoods or localities [ 15 , 69 , 87 , 90 , 103 ] and accommodation [ 87 , 97 , 109 , 112 , 113 , 114 ] that did not feel safe. For one family, this was due to racial abuse experienced by a parent while walking to school [ 69 ]. In one case, a young person’s perception of safety improved over time, and they grew to like the neighbours and area [ 15 ], although this was a rare occurrence.

Often, this experience of being unsafe was due to exposure to problematic behaviour in or around their accommodation, including hearing other children being treated badly [ 112 ], being exposed to violence (including against their parents) [ 111 , 112 , 114 ], witnessing people drinking and taking drugs [ 69 , 83 , 90 , 111 , 112 , 114 ], finding drug paraphernalia in communal areas [ 112 , 114 ] or outside spaces [ 69 ], hearing threats of violence [ 111 ], hearing shouting and screaming in other rooms [ 114 ], witnessing people breaking into their room [ 83 ], and witnessing their parent/s receiving racist abuse and being sworn at [ 83 ].

‘There’s a lot [of] drugs and I don’t want my kids seeing that… One time he said ‘mummy I heard a woman on the phone saying ‘I’m going to set fire to your face’’ She was saying these things and my son was hearing it.’ ( [ 111 ] , p.15)

Another impact related to the family and children and young people being isolated and far away from family, friends, other support networks, work, shops, school and leisure pursuits due to the location of the new or temporary housing [ 15 , 83 , 87 , 97 , 104 , 109 ]. This affected education, friendships, finances and access to services (see ‘ Impacts ’).

Overcrowding was another issue that was both a source or feature of housing insecurity, as this created a need to move, as well as being an impact, in that families moved to unsuitable properties because they had little alternative. Overcrowding was largely a feature of temporary accommodation that was too small for the family [ 67 , 91 ], including hostels/shared houses where whole families inhabited one room and washing facilities were shared [ 100 , 102 ]. In turn, overcrowding could mean siblings sharing a room and/or bed [ 15 , 41 , 64 , 71 , 78 , 109 , 111 , 112 , 113 , 114 , 116 ] (which could lead to disturbed sleep [ 15 ]), children/young people or family members sleeping on the floor or sofa [ 15 , 71 , 102 , 110 ] (which caused aches and pains in children/young people; [ 100 ]), children/young people sharing a room with parents [ 64 , 71 , 94 , 109 , 111 , 112 , 113 , 114 ], a room being too small to carry out day to day tasks [ 112 , 113 , 114 ], a lack of privacy in general (e.g., having to change clothes in front of each other) [ 70 , 111 , 112 , 114 ], living in close proximity to other families [ 114 ], and cramped conditions with little room to move when too many people and possessions had to share a small space [ 15 , 64 , 90 , 97 , 103 , 109 , 114 ].

It’s all of us in one room, you can imagine the tension…. everyone’s snapping because they don’t have their own personal space …it’s just a room with two beds. My little brother has to do his homework on the floor.’ ( [ 97 ] , p..43)

It was thus difficult for children and young people to have their own space, even for a short time [ 98 ], including space to do schoolwork [ 102 , 103 ], play [ 91 ] or invite friends over [ 103 ]. Families sometimes ended up overcrowded due to cohabiting with extended family [ 110 ] or friends [ 91 , 102 ] (‘hidden homelessness’). Other families outgrew their property, or anticipated they would in future, when children grew older [ 70 , 116 ]. Overcrowding sometimes meant multiple families inhabiting a single building (e.g., a hostel or shelter), where single parents had difficulties using shared facilities, due to not wanting to leave young children alone [ 100 ]. Overcrowding could also lead to children feeling unsafe, including being scared of other people in shared accommodation [ 102 ], experiencing noise [ 102 ], and feeling different from peers (due to not having their own room or even bed) [ 102 ]. Living in overcrowded conditions could lead to, or exacerbate, boredom, aggressive behaviour, and mental health problems among children and young people (see ‘ Outcomes ’) [ 72 , 79 , 91 ]. Overcrowded conditions caused a ‘relentless daily struggle’ for families ([ 83 ], p.48).

Similarly, the need to take whatever property was on offer led to families living in properties in poor condition, which in turn could exacerbate housing insecurity, both because families needed to escape the poor condition housing and because they were reluctant to complain and ask for repairs on their current property in case the landlord increased the rent or evicted them [ 86 , 96 ]. Eviction was perceived as a real threat and families described being evicted after requesting environmental health issues [ 74 ] and health and safety issues [ 116 ] be addressed. Families experienced issues relating to poor condition properties, including accommodation being in a poor state of decoration [ 98 ], broken or barely useable fixtures and fittings [ 86 , 90 , 96 ], no laundry or cooking facilities [ 102 ], no electricity [ 67 ], no or little furniture [ 67 , 102 ], broken appliances [ 71 , 96 , 97 ], structural failings [ 97 ], unsafe gardens [ 90 ], mould [ 71 , 90 , 96 , 97 , 104 , 109 ], and bedbugs and/or vermin [ 67 , 76 , 77 ]. Even where the property condition was acceptable, accommodation could be unsuitable in other ways. Many families with young children found themselves living in upper floor flats, having to navigate stairs with pushchairs and small children [ 71 , 74 , 78 , 83 , 87 , 92 , 109 ]. One study reported how a family with a child who had cerebral palsy and asthma were refused essential central heating and so had to request a property transfer [ 75 ]. Lack of space to play was a particular issue in relation to temporary accommodation, often due to overly small accommodation or a vermin infestation [ 80 , 87 , 91 ]. In small children, the effects included health and safety risks [ 87 , 112 ] and challenges keeping them occupied [ 112 ]. In older children and young people, a lack of space meant a lack of privacy [ 63 , 112 ]. School holidays could be particularly challenging, particularly when outside play spaces were unsuitable due to safety concerns (e.g., people selling drugs, broken glass) [ 87 , 106 ], and some temporary accommodation restricted access during the daytime [ 112 ]. With shared temporary accommodation, such as a refuge or hostel, came the threat of possessions being removed by others [ 80 ].

Impacts are defined here as intermediate outcomes that may mediate the effects of housing insecurity on health and wellbeing, for instance, the psychological, social, and environmental consequences of experiencing housing insecurity. According to the evidence reviewed, these were overwhelmingly negative, with only a very small number of positive impacts, and, in many cases, these were offset by other negative impacts. Impacts on friendships, education, family relationships, diet, hygiene, access to services, feelings of being different, feelings of insecurity, parental wellbeing, the financial situation of the family, experiences of noise, leaving negative situations behind, and other impacts, such as leaving pets behind and time costs, were noted. Overlaying all of the above was a lack of choice and control experienced by the children/young people and their families.

A particularly large and disruptive impact of housing insecurity was the effect on friendships and social networks. Over multiple moves, children and young people faced the challenge of building new social networks and reputations each time [ 15 , 90 , 106 ], and worried about maintaining existing friendships [ 90 ]. The beneficial side to this was the potential to have friends all over town, although this was offset by difficulty in forming close friendships due to frequent moves [ 15 ]. Children and young people in temporary, overcrowded or poor condition accommodation often felt ashamed of their housing and concealed it from their friends [ 15 , 73 , 78 , 111 , 112 , 114 , 115 ], and in one case missing out on sleepovers with friends [ 102 ]. Moving far from friends presented difficulties in maintaining friendships and a social life, leading to boredom and isolation [ 102 , 114 ]. The threat of an impending long-distance move could cause sadness and worry [ 114 ] and young people missed the friends they had left behind [ 15 , 90 ]. Other associated social impacts of housing insecurity exacerbated by the wider experience of poverty included turning turn down invitations to go out with friends for financial reasons [ 115 ] or to avoid leaving a parent alone with younger sibling/s [ 114 ], and feeling different from peers, either because of looking unkempt or lacking in confidence [ 115 ].

Another key impact of housing insecurity was the effect on education, and this was closely intertwined with friendship impacts. Faced with moving, often multiple times, sometimes to uncertain locations, families were faced with the decision to keep the same school or to change schools. Multiple moves and/or an unfeasibly long journey to school, led to either a decision to, or anticipating the prospect of having to, change schools [ 15 , 66 , 90 , 91 , 102 , 106 , 108 , 111 , 116 ]. This could in turn impact on the child’s sense of stability, academic performance and friendships [ 90 , 105 , 106 , 111 , 115 , 116 ] and make them feel sad [ 102 ]. In the case of one family, staying at the same school during a move resulted in decreased educational attainment [ 69 ].

Staying at the same school created some stability and allowed for friendships and connections with teachers and the school to be maintained [ 15 , 102 ]. This was, however, quite often the only option, due to the family not knowing their next location, and thus which school they would be near [ 15 , 102 , 113 ], and was not without issues. Those who were unhappy with school were thus effectively prevented from changing schools due to housing insecurity [ 15 , 90 ]. Families were often re-housed at a considerable distance from the school [ 15 , 70 , 93 , 94 , 113 ]. This meant having to get up very early for a long journey by public transport [ 15 , 66 , 70 , 77 , 88 , 90 , 94 , 102 , 105 , 106 , 111 , 113 ], which also caused problems maintaining friendships [ 115 ], increased tiredness and stress [ 15 , 66 , 77 , 102 , 111 , 113 , 114 , 115 ] and left little time for homework and extra-curricular activities [ 113 , 114 , 115 ]. Some children and young people stayed with friends or relatives closer to school on school nights, although these arrangements were not sustainable longer-term [ 15 , 90 ].

Living in temporary housing was associated with practical challenges in relation to schooling, for instance, keeping track of uniform and other possessions, limited laundry facilities, and limited washing facilities [ 112 , 115 ]. Parents noted academic performance worsened following the onset of housing problems [ 111 , 113 , 116 ]. Limited space and time to do homework or revision [ 111 , 112 , 113 , 114 , 115 ], tiredness and poor sleep [ 111 , 113 ], travelling and disrupted routines [ 114 ], disruptions from other families (e.g. in a hostel) [ 114 ], a lack of internet connection [ 114 ], and the general impact of the housing disruption [ 111 , 113 , 116 ] made it challenging for those experiencing housing insecurity to do well at school. Families often had to wake up early to access shared facilities in emergency accommodation before school [ 113 , 114 ]. Some children and young people missed school altogether during periods of transience, due to multiple moves rendering attendance unviable [ 71 , 106 , 111 ], lack of a school place in the area [ 109 ], or not being able to afford transport and lunch money [ 81 ], which in turn affected academic performance [ 106 , 111 ].

‘Their education was put on hold. My daughter was ahead on everything in her class and she just went behind during those two weeks.’ ([ 111 ] , p.15)

Children and young people also experienced an impact on immediate family relationships. Housing insecurity led to reduced family wellbeing [ 82 ], and family relationships becoming more strained, for instance, due to spending more time at friends’ houses that were far away [ 15 ]. In some cases, however, housing insecurity led to improved family relationships, for instance, in terms of a non-resident father becoming more involved [ 15 ], or children feeling closer to their parents [ 106 ].

Some impacts related to the child’s health and wellbeing. Impacts on diet were reported, including refusal of solid food (which affected growth) [ 113 ], stress and repeated moves leading to not eating properly (which resulted in underweight) [ 91 ], insufficient money to eat properly [ 15 , 99 , 106 ], a lack of food storage and preparation space [ 102 , 103 , 112 ], and a hazardous food preparation environment [ 112 ]. Unsuitable temporary accommodation, including converted shipping containers, hostels, B&Bs and poorly maintained houses were particularly likely to be associated with a wide range of other well-being related impacts. Unsuitable accommodation presented various problems, including excessive heat, dripping water, overcrowding, damp, dirt, electrical hazards, vermin, flooding and a lack of washing and laundry facilities [ 41 , 67 , 71 , 74 , 76 , 77 , 81 , 87 , 88 , 102 , 104 , 106 , 109 , 112 , 116 ]. Moving could also impact on access to services and continuity of care, including being unable to register with general practitioners [ 82 ], and difficulty in maintaining continuity of medical care [ 65 ].

Psychological impacts of housing insecurity included feeling different from peers [ 115 ], feeling disappointed in each new property after being initially hopeful [ 15 ], and having trouble fitting in, in a new area [ 15 ]. Feeling insecure (including uncertainty over when and where the next move will be, or if another move is happening) was a further impact of living in insecure housing situations (including temporary housing, making multiple moves, being evicted) [ 15 , 87 , 90 , 114 , 116 ], leading to stress and worry [ 15 , 114 ].

One of the major issues that [she] says affects her mental health is the uncertainty of their situation. She says it is hard to not know where they will be staying one night to the next. It is also difficult to adjust to living without her furniture and clothes ( [ 114 ] , p.17)

Multiple moves, or anticipating a move, disrupted children and young people’s sense of continuity and led to the experience of a loss of security and stability more generally [ 15 , 85 , 87 ]. This led children and young people to feel responsible for helping and providing support to their parents, including hiding their feelings [ 111 , 114 ], or not requesting things be bought [ 15 , 113 ]. Children and young people also felt a sense of displacement and a lack of belonging [ 15 , 115 ]. Loss of stability and security triggered a desire for stability, to be able to settle, have friends over, and not have to worry about moving [ 109 ].

Housing insecurity also had a negative effect on parent-wellbeing, and this impacted the wellbeing of young people both directly [ 15 , 65 , 102 , 106 ] and indirectly through increased arguments and family stress [ 15 , 93 ] and reduced parental ability to care for children with chronic conditions [ 41 ]. Parents also perceived their reduced wellbeing as negatively impacting their children's development [ 41 ]. The threat of sanctions for missed housing payment could lead to reduced well-being among the whole family, characterised by feelings of despair, failure and a loss of hope [ 93 ].

Moving also had a financial impact on families. Moving into much smaller temporary accommodation meant that possessions had to be left behind, with the family having to pay for decorating, carpets, curtains and furniture each time they moved [ 15 , 84 , 98 , 104 , 105 ], incurring considerable debt [ 98 ]. If the new location was far away from school, family, friends and, in some cases, shops, then the family incurred travel costs [ 15 , 87 , 94 , 112 , 114 ]. Because of all this, children and young people’s requests for possessions or experiences (e.g., trips out) were refused [ 113 ].

Excessive noise was another disruption that children and young people experienced in connection with their precarious housing situation. Sources of noise were traffic on a main road [ 15 ] a factory nearby [ 110 ], or from other people in a B&B, hotel, hostel, or neighbouring properties [ 15 , 91 , 102 , 106 , 112 ], and could disrupt sleep and daily activities.

If their current conditions were sufficiently bad, some children and young people felt positively about moving, to leave negative things behind. For instance, a move could take them close to friends [ 15 ] or they may have more space in the new property [ 15 ]. Quite often, however, negative impacts of moving seemed to offset any benefit [ 90 ].

Frequent moves could impact on children and young people’s health and wellbeing in other ways. Space might be even more squeezed by cardboard boxes in preparation for an impending move [ 15 ]. Some children reported having to leave beloved pets behind [ 90 ]. Time costs associated with moving meant less time for other activities [ 15 ]. Multiple moves, particularly across local authority boundaries, could impact the family’s access to services [ 41 , 71 ], including health services [ 90 ], specialist healthcare required to manage children’s health conditions [ 83 ], and social services [ 85 , 93 ].

One key impact that overlaid all of the above but was rarely mentioned was a lack of choice or control [ 109 ]. This was inherent in the families’ and children/young people’s accounts of their experiences of housing insecurity, through talk of not knowing where their next move would be or when, and having to move long distances away from the places they used frequently and the people who supported them. Even the journey into housing insecurity was often outside of families’ control, such as increases in rent, change in income, or eviction notices (see ‘ Exposure ’). Families often could not improve properties in poor condition because they could not afford repairs to properties in poor condition, so felt they had to live with these problems [ 90 ]. Some families avoided reporting problems to the landlord for fear of a rent increase or eviction (see ‘ Exposure ’). Children and young people in particular felt that they lacked control over their housing situation, and in some cases were not aware of reasons for moves [ 15 ].

Several childhood health and wellbeing outcomes have been documented in relation to, and they are overwhelmingly negative. These consisted of mental health problems, physical health problems, tiredness, and stunted child development. Living in temporary housing, making multiple moves, and the instability and insecurity associated with anticipating a move, or being uncertain whether a move would be needed, had an obvious negative impact on the mental health of children and young people [ 41 , 63 , 79 , 107 ], including in terms of self-harm [ 71 , 96 , 97 , 107 , 111 ], thoughts of suicide [ 71 ], anxiety [ 71 , 90 , 103 , 111 , 112 , 115 ], and depression [ 110 , 115 ]. Sometimes these problems manifested as physical pain [ 106 ], nightmares [ 84 ], night waking [ 107 ], or wetting the bed [ 63 , 107 , 111 ]. Stress, anger, isolation, fear, worry about the future (including about having to move again), worry about safety and acute distress were also reported [ 15 , 63 , 73 , 79 , 82 , 84 , 89 , 90 , 96 , 109 , 114 , 115 , 118 ]. One child with distress/mental health problems (as a result of having to make multiple moves) stopped eating properly (resulting in underweight and anaemia), and became socially withdrawn [ 79 ]. Another child reported weight loss and mental health problems due to worry about the future housing situation [ 95 ]. One study reported on stress and anxiety in children due to the trauma of losing their home and the emergency accommodation being unsuitable and temporary [ 111 ].

‘My six year old has been going to the doctors because he’s developed a nervous tick since we’ve been in that room. He was constantly nervous all the time. He’s so unsettled still and he knows that we’re still not settled. He’s really anxious. He’s become violent […]’ ( [ 111 ] , p.13)

Sometimes children and young people’s mental health issues would be displayed through problematic behaviour such as withdrawal, stealing, smoking, drug-taking, aggressive behaviour, and running away [ 68 , 71 , 79 , 84 , 97 , 107 , 114 , 115 ]. Teachers observed that younger children tended to get more withdrawn and older children and young people tended to get more angry and antagonistic, although the same child could cycle between these two states [ 115 ]. Separation anxiety was also reported [ 87 , 111 ].

Children and young people also experienced physical health problems as a result of living in temporary accommodation, poor condition housing, and making multiple moves, including the development or exacerbation of asthma [ 69 , 81 , 90 ] and eczema [ 41 , 81 , 90 , 111 ], stomach bugs [ 71 ], insect bites [ 112 ], infectious diseases [ 41 , 109 , 112 ], headaches [ 113 ], stomach aches [ 109 , 113 ], exacerbation of long-term conditions [ 41 , 75 , 109 ], rashes and asthma as a result of damp [ 100 ], a dermatological condition as a result of living in a hotel [ 91 ], other physical symptoms in young children, such as coughing and vomiting [ 100 ] and musculoskeletal pain from sleeping in unsuitable places [ 102 ]. One study reported illness in a baby following a difficult birth, attributed to housing-related stress in the mother [ 83 ]. Rarer outcomes included weight gain due to a lack of cooking facilities and thus reliance on fast food, weight loss due to stress [ 79 , 95 ] and head lice due to close contact with others [ 115 ]. Some properties presented risk of injury to babies and young children [ 41 ].

Tiredness was also reported, in relation to travelling a long distance to school and to visit family and friends [ 15 , 66 , 77 , 102 , 112 , 115 ]. Tiredness also resulted from poor quality sleep due to the unsuitable nature of the accommodation (e.g., poor state of repair, overcrowded), sleeping on a sofa [ 102 ], and worrying about the housing situation [ 15 , 41 , 87 , 109 , 112 , 114 ].

Impacts on the perceived development of young children were reported, in particular in relation to having no space to play, which impacted standing/walking and emotional development [ 87 , 111 ], and multiple moves, which impacted on potty training and speech development [ 87 , 111 ]. One study reported an impact on growth due refusal of solid food [ 113 ].

Protective factors

Protective factors were not presented in the original conceptual framework. However, we identified specific protective factors that were perceived to lessen the impact of housing insecurity on wellbeing among children and adolescents. These included friendship, keeping the same school, normalising housing insecurity, home-making, having a plan, hope, protective parenting, and some interventions.

Friendship was a key protective factor. Retaining connections with friends and peer networks following moves was important [ 15 , 90 ], and school facilitated this [ 114 ]. Indeed, another related strategy was to keep children and young people enrolled in the same school during and after moves, to retain some stability [ 15 , 70 , 90 , 108 ].

Some sources noted that children and young people tended to normalise and destigmatise their housing insecurity as something to be expected given that the family is poor or receives benefits [ 15 , 62 , 90 ]. This response could be a coping/defence mechanism to try to deal with the negative impacts of being insecurely housed.

Another, more positive, coping strategy was to make the property feel more like a home. For instance, decorating the property could lead to children and young people feeling more settled and ‘at home’, even if the ultimate intention was to move [ 15 ]. Further coping strategies included having a plan of how things could go to keep anxiety at bay and retain some control [ 15 ], seeing the advantages of a location [ 15 ], and hoping for a better house next time, and/or hoping that the family would settle in a permanent home [ 15 ].

Parents also acted to protect children and young people from the negative impacts of housing insecurity, by concealing the full extent of their financial and housing problems [ 113 ], including children and young people in decision-making [ 70 , 90 ] (for instance, allowing children and young people to influence their parents’ decisions on location, where there was a choice [ 70 ]), and presenting their situation as an adventure [ 114 ]. One study also documented parents taking their children out to parks to give them space to run around [ 91 ].

Lastly, some positive findings were reported by an evaluation of the Families Intervention Project (FIP), for families at risk of eviction due to anti-social behaviour [ 118 ]. Families that worked closely with a multi-agency team experienced increased housing security, reduced stress and anxiety, and fewer behavioural problems among the children [ 118 ]. Another study reported positive effects of a peer-led parenting programme on children’s behaviour, although it is unclear how this impacted on their health and wellbeing [ 64 ].

Key findings relating to other populations

Families that have experienced domestic violence.

Domestic violence could be a source of housing insecurity both for families who leave the family home to seek safety and for those who stay. Families that leave can end up moving multiple times (and frequently), perhaps initially to a refuge and then into other forms of temporary housing, with families experiencing uncertainty over when the next move would be [ 90 , 105 ]. One study reported that experience of living in different places was perceived to be beneficial, although little detail was given, and this was offset by difficulty building peer networks [ 90 ]. In one family, the alternative to housing insecurity was for the children to be placed in local authority care, which was avoided through the children and other parent leaving the perpetrator [ 90 ].

Among families who stay in the family home (with the perpetrator leaving), housing insecurity could be created by the perpetrator refusing to pay the mortgage, leaving the family worried and uncertain:

‘ I’ve lost two stone, my son has lost ten pounds – he is only 15 – he is having counselling at school. It has just been a nightmare…He hasn’t paid the mortgage for a year because he wants to get me out so he can have the money… ’ ([ 95 ], p. 68). Friendship was particularly impacted among this population. To prevent the perpetrator from finding them, children were not able to disclose personal information [ 63 ]. This made it difficult to form close friendships.

Parents reported a lack of support offered to children and young people, including services that they needed [ 80 ]. However, where support was offered to parents and children/young people who had moved to escape abuse in their previous home, this support could improve wellbeing [ 63 , 79 , 80 ], acting as a protective factor. Particular forms of useful support included a parenting course [ 79 ] and supportive staff and peers at hostels [ 80 ]. Hostels offered a feeling of safety due to closed-circuit television [ 80 ]. One study reported that refuge and hostel staff were perceived as helpful but powerless to keep families safe in some cases, although children and young people found it helpful to talk and open up to staff about their situation [ 63 ]. One intervention, the Sanctuary scheme, allowed people experiencing/at risk of domestic violence to remain in their own home, with additional security [ 95 ].

Migrant, refugee and asylum seeker families

Migrant, refugee and asylum seeker families experienced similar forms of housing insecurity and similar impacts on everyday life and childhood health/wellbeing as did the general population. However, migrant/refugee families reported having to move suddenly, with very little notice (e.g., 48 h) [ 77 , 82 ]. They also lacked support from services and assistance with housing from the local authority. Consequently, families would end up homeless and have to beg friends to let them sleep on their sofas [ 101 ].

Once homeless, families slept in unsuitable locations, such as on the night bus, in a church, and in the waiting room of the Accident and Emergency (A&E) department. This led to extreme tiredness; in some cases, children were too tired to attend school [ 102 ]. That type of homelessness was a particular feature of the experience of housing insecurity among this population.

‘We had to keep going to McDonalds every night and we would also go to A&E. I would have to wear my school clothes and sleep like that.… They would say we have to sleep where the people wait but it’s just like lights […] The chairs were hard.’ (child aged 9) ( [ 102 ] , p. 22)

Other considerations specific to migrant/refugee/asylum seeker families were language barriers, which compounded the challenge of adjusting to a new area [ 82 ], and pressure to cook British food rather than food from their home country in communal facilities [ 106 ].

Families forced to relocate due to demolition

Two papers identified from the database search examined experiences of relocation; families were living in local authority accommodation in Glasgow and experienced a forced move as the high-rise block of flats they lived in was due to be demolished [ 69 , 70 ]. This forced location creates housing insecurity.

Despite the common source, however, housing insecurity was experienced in different ways by different families. One family reported not wanting to move as the children liked the area and their school and nursery, and one family was offered a flat but needed outdoor space [ 70 ]. Many families experienced the pre-relocation area as unsafe due to problematic behaviour in outdoor shared areas [ 69 ]. Because of this and no access to a private garden children lacked space to play [ 70 ]. Families also reported feeling shame in relation to the local area and the poor condition of their pre-relocation housing (a high-rise block of flats), and were keen to move to a less stigmatising area with better condition housing [ 69 , 70 ].

Most families managed to relocate to areas close enough for their children and young people to attend the same schools. However two families changed schools [ 69 , 70 ]. Children and young people felt shame and stigma relating to the local area and the flats themselves, with many young people reluctant to invite friends over, or others socialising in the corridor without inviting friends inside [ 70 ]. Thus, relocation could have positive impacts on families and children/young people. For three families, moving was a positive experience, with children and young people enjoying having a garden and growing to like their new neighbours and the area [ 69 ].

Although we anticipated potentially different experiences, impacts and outcomes relating to housing insecurity across the four populations, the evidence reviewed suggests many similarities. Some exposures were common to multiple populations, for instance, being evicted or having a forced move, living in temporary accommodation, experiencing overcrowding, exposure to problematic behaviour, poor condition/unsuitable property, and making multiple moves. Common impacts included social, school-related, psychological, financial and family wellbeing impacts, having to travel long distances to attend school and see friends, having to live in a property that was unsuitable or in a poor state of repair, overcrowded and often noisy, all of which could then further exacerbate housing insecurity. Outcomes reported across multiple populations included mental health problems (which could manifest in physical ways, for example, trouble eating and sleeping, or wetting the bed) and physical health problems such as skin complaints and asthma related to poor housing conditions. Protective factors common to multiple populations included friendship and support, staying at the same school, having hope for the future, and parenting practices. Pervasive throughout all populations and accounts was an overall lack of choice or control over the housing situation and poverty as a driving force.

These findings support and build upon previous literature that has examined the impact of housing insecurity on the health and wellbeing of children and young people, in terms of reduced mental and psychological wellbeing [ 21 , 42 , 43 ], ill health relating to homelessness or poor housing conditions [ 40 , 41 ], and disrupted family processes [ 38 ]. Likewise, the findings build upon prior cohort studies that support a causal relationship with child health [ 38 ], by highlighting the details of the hardships faced by children and young people experiencing housing insecurity and exploring relationships between exposures, ‘less tangible’ impacts and health and wellbeing outcomes.

Many elements of the Children’s Society definition of housing insecurity were identifiable in our review findings. A key element of housing insecurity is financial insecurity [ 17 , 19 ]; this was borne out in our findings where families were frequently exposed to high/rising costs of housing or reduced income. Indeed, our review found that families incurred additional costs due to multiple and/or frequent moves and/or moving into temporary accommodation. This could potentially increase financial insecurity, thus creating a vicious circle of housing insecurity and poverty. Having ‘a home that does not provide a sense of safety and security’ ([ 18 ], paragraph 3) was evident when children and young people reported not feeling safe in their accommodation, and relational insecurity was evident in families’ accounts of being moved far from friends, school and support networks.

In addition, we identified certain population-specific considerations. Families experiencing domestic violence faced a difficult choice between choosing to remain in the property and leaving the property, both with insecurity attached. Housing insecurity negatively impacted on friendships for all populations, however this could be potentially more challenging for those escaping domestic violence, due to the need to keep personal information confidential in order to maintain family safety.

Parents and children/young people in migrant, refugee and asylum seeker populations spoke of having very little notice before having to move out of a property, sometimes only 48 h. This created a housing emergency, captured in accounts of families becoming homeless and having to sleep in unsuitable places, such as the Accident and Emergency department waiting room or on a night bus. In some families, parents had no recourse to public funds, so even when children and young people were born in the UK, the family still ended up destitute and homeless, leading to significant worry.

A key factor in relocation was that families were forced to move by a particular date, as the high-rise block they lived in was scheduled for demolition. Many families desired a move, due to a lack of space, overcrowding, and unsafe outdoor spaces. However many did not want to leave behind social networks and schools in the community, and even some who wanted to move had difficulty finding a suitable property (e.g., for their family size).

A key challenge to synthesising the evidence was the complexity of the data, in particular the relationships between exposures and impacts. Factors that families initially experienced as exposures could then become impacts, and particular impacts could then worsen housing insecurity, in a cyclical fashion. For instance, overcrowded conditions could precipitate a move, but then the only property available may be in a poor state of repair, with intolerable living conditions, thus prompting a further move. Another key challenge in synthesising the qualitative evidence was that many elements of the experience of housing insecurity that were experienced simultaneously by children and young people have been artificially separated within the updated conceptual frameworks, making analysis problematic. For instance, those living in poor-condition temporary accommodation may want to move due the poor state of a property, but be worried about where they may end up next and whether children/young people will have to change schools and move far from friends. Such complexity has proved challenging to our overall synthesis. Policymakers and practitioners should be aware that the diagrams illustrating the hypothesised causal pathways simplify the multiple inter-related factors related to housing insecurity that impact on the wellbeing of children and young people. Identifiable common stresses including poverty, financial difficulties and debt, immigration/refugee status and domestic abuse will also exert direct significant effects on family wellbeing that prove difficult to separate from those directly due to housing insecurity.

Limitations

Limitations of the evidence base.

We have identified numerous literature sources, many rich with data relating to the experiences of children and young people, and synthesised these data into diagrams that illustrate hypothesised causal pathways within the original conceptual framework, with accompanying descriptions of the experiences of housing insecurity in children and young people. However, we cannot establish claims for the comprehensiveness of our diagrams that map hypothesised causal pathways from housing insecurity to childhood health/wellbeing based on the original conceptual framework. We mapped associations where they were present in the accounts of children/young people and other informants. However, the evidence base may have missed other potential associations, particularly for populations covered by a small number of studies.

Within the evidence base, accounts from parents or other informants proved extremely useful in examining the impacts of housing insecurity on the health and wellbeing of children and young people, particularly for younger children who are not able to yet articulate their experiences and feelings. Nevertheless, such accounts proved an insufficient substitute for rich and nuanced data directly from the children and young people themselves. Our public involvement group have informed us that children and young people may find it difficult to talk about their housing situation, and noted that we did not identify any research that explicitly examined the perspectives of young people who provide care for a parent.

Likewise, little available information relates to the health and wellbeing of children and young people, and it is difficult to establish whether the evidence we have reviewed has captured all relevant health and wellbeing experiences. The majority of the accounts of young people focused on the impacts (or intermediate outcomes) of housing insecurity, which means that we have been able to present a rich picture of these ‘less tangible’ impacts, but also that the links from these impacts to health and wellbeing outcomes is less well understood. For instance, our public involvement group noted that we had not reported any evidence relating to bullying as a result of experiencing housing insecurity.

Strengths and limitations of the review

Strengths of our review method include the prior use of a conceptual model, developed in consultation with stakeholders and topic experts, and examination of key policy documents, which guided the process of synthesis. Synthesis was thus both deductive (i.e., informed by the a priori conceptual model) and inductive (i.e., conducted using established thematic synthesis methods), which allowed for an organised and yet rich and nuanced picture of the impacts of housing insecurity on health and wellbeing among children and young people in the UK. The review was conducted by an established team of experienced reviewers and a methodologist.

A key limitation is that literature sources were far more plentiful than anticipated, including numerous long and detailed reports identified through grey literature searching. While this enhanced the richness of the dataset, it also expanded the review workload, leading to additional time constraints. Limited time and resource could be allocated for double-checking full texts (in particular in the grey literature) and extractions, and thus only a sample were double-checked. Time constraints also prevented citation searches of key included studies. Nevertheless, such an approach remains consistent with established rapid review methods with minimal consequences for missing or mis-reported evidence [ 50 , 51 , 52 ]. Time and resource constraints also prohibited examination of how experiences may differ according to location within the UK.

Implications for policy

It is important that decisions made about housing at a national and local level reflect the impacts that insecure housing can have on children and young people, and ensures that housing insecurity is prevented in the first place. The current review findings suggest that policies should focus on reducing housing insecurity in its totality among families. One way to do this is to focus on eviction, which is a significant cause of instability and a leading cause of households seeking homelessness assistance [ 25 ]. This could include ending no-fault evictions, as has been done in Scotland for private renters since 2017 and as proposed, but yet to be introduced by the UK government in 2019. Scotland’s introduction of longer tenancy agreements with the removal of no-fault evictions may also facilitate families being able to settle and reduce the need for multiple moves. Similarly, legislating for minimum standards in the private rented sector, as currently being explored [ 119 ], will protect children and young people from being exposed to unhealthy and dangerous conditions.

Other changes could include (1) stipulating minimum requirements for space in family properties and minimum requirements for property conditions; (2) advocating for families living in the private rental sector to improve their housing situation; (3) reducing the use of short-term tenancies so families are not required to make multiple moves; (4) providing affordable housing options that give families more choice; and (5) engaging families in the design of systems and services that meet their housing needs. Addressing poverty more widely should also help to alleviate housing insecurity among families in the UK, as much of the evidence reported on how poverty initiated and/or exacerbated housing insecurity, for instance, by restricting choice and by increasing worry. However, any changes will need adequate support for enforcement, something made clear by the limited effectiveness of policy introduced to protect people from revenge/retaliatory eviction [ 97 , 120 , 121 , 122 ], improve the quality and suitability of temporary accommodation, and, where possible, reduce the need for temporary accommodation through preventative measures.

Among families escaping domestic violence, support systems are needed to avoid destitution caused by the perpetrator (e.g., not paying the mortgage). There should also be systems in place to ensure that families are housed in a permanent residence as soon as possible following the initial placement in emergency temporary accommodation after leaving the family home, with as few moves as possible. Appropriate support with housing should be made available to refugee/asylum seeker/migrant families, including those where the parents have no recourse to public funds, and short-notice and long-distance moves should be avoided, particularly where these take families away from their support systems and communities.

Implications for practice

Where possible, interventions to reduce or eliminate housing insecurity should be implemented. Where this is not possible, interventions should focus on reducing the impact of housing insecurity, for instance, by ensuring long journeys can be avoided, that accommodation is of a decent standard, and by providing adequate support to families and children young people. Practitioners who work to house families should prioritise stable, suitable and good quality housing. Practitioners who interact with children and young people experiencing housing insecurity and homelessness (e.g., clinicians, teachers, social workers) should recognise the complexity of the children and young people’s experiences, including how the situation and circumstances (e.g., escaping domestic violence, migration status) might impact on their health and wellbeing, and that impacts vary on an individual basis, particularly in assessments and family support plans. A multiagency approach should be utilised with families to mitigate the impacts of housing insecurity, poor housing conditions or unsuitable housing. Practitioners should consider the impacts of continuity of school, support and services, and the need for mental health support, parenting and counselling, for instance through providing support with transport to enable children and young people to stay at their current school, and support to maintain friendships. All those working with children/young people and families experiencing housing insecurity should consider ways to offer them optimal choice and control over situations that affect them.

All practitioners and professionals (e.g., teachers) who work with children and young people from families who have escaped domestic violence should ensure that the children and young people are receiving appropriate support from all relevant services, and that appropriate safety measures are in place to protect the family from the perpetrator.

Research recommendations

Future qualitative research could focus explicitly on the health and wellbeing of children and young people experiencing housing insecurity, and how they link with the impacts and outcomes identified in the current review. In particular, research could explore how the health and wellbeing of children and young people are affected by the impacts of housing insecurity on friendships, education, food and hygiene, financial impacts, long journeys, overcrowding, perceived safety, and access to services. Further qualitative research could examine the impact of interventions to address housing insecurity among families in the UK. Interventions with a participatory component that seek to ensure that the voices of children and young people remain central should be prioritised for further research. The voices of specific groups of young people who are likely to be marginalised (e.g., young carers) could be explored in future research. Future qualitative research should report methods of recruitment and data collection and analysis clearly and transparently, and should incorporate meaningful research reflexivity.

Conclusions

Housing insecurity has a profound impact on children and young people in families in the UK. Such housing insecurity can take many forms and result from often inter-related situations that are fundamentally connected to poverty. The resultant housing insecurity can have multiple (often simultaneous) impacts, including those that relate to educational, psychological, financial and family wellbeing impacts, having to travel long distances to attend school and see friends, and having to live in unsuitable, poorly repaired, overcrowded or noisy properties, any of which further exacerbate housing insecurity. Negative experiences can impact on health and wellbeing, in terms of mental health problems (which could manifest in physical ways) and physical health problems, as well as tiredness and developmental issues. Some experiences and situations can lessen the impact of housing insecurity on the health and wellbeing of children and young people. Negative impacts of housing insecurity on health and wellbeing may be further compounded by specific situations and life circumstances, such as escaping domestic violence, being a migrant, refugee or asylum seeker (or having a parent with that status), or experiencing a forced relocation due to housing demolition.

Availability of data and materials

All data presented in this review were already published, either in an academic journal, or a report that is publicly available. Search strings are available in Additional File 1. Data extracted from the published papers and reports included in the current study are available from the corresponding author on request.

the main social security payment in the UK; for more information see https://www.gov.uk/universal-credit

Abbreviations

Accident and Emergency (Department)

Authority, Accuracy, Coverage, Objectivity, Date, Significance

Applied Social Sciences Index and Abstracts

Bed and Breakfast (accommodation)

Critical Appraisal Skills Programme

Coronavirus Disease 2019

Families Intervention Project

United Kingdom

International Bibliography of the Social Sciences

National Institute for Health and Care Research

International prospective register of systematic reviews

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Acknowledgements

We wish to thank Katie Lewis and Liz Kitchin from the University of Sheffield for providing administrative support to the project, Karen Horrocks, from the UK Office for Health Improvement and Disparities, for revising the policy and practice implications, anonymous young people who provided PPI feedback on a lay summary and gave us an insight into key omissions from the evidence base, and Mary Crowder from the University of Sheffield for her support in accessing feedback from PPI members at a local youth organisation. We would also like to thank the policy and practice stakeholders and topic experts with whom we consulted to develop the initial conceptual framework.

This study is funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Public Health programme (project reference 18/93 PHR Public Health Review Team). The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the NIHR or the Department of Health and Social Care.

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Emma S. Hock, Lindsay Blank, Hannah Fairbrother, Mark Clowes, Diana Castelblanco Cuevas, Andrew Booth & Elizabeth Goyder

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EH led the review, and undertook study selection, grey literature searching and selection, data extraction, quality assessment and coding, drafted the synthesis, and drafted and refined large parts of the manuscript. LB undertook study selection, data extraction, quality assessment and coding, compiled study characteristics, checked and refined the synthesis, and drafted and refined parts of the manuscript. HF undertook study selection, grey literature searching and selection, data extraction and quality assessment, co-ordinated patient and public involvement, provided topic expertise, checked and refined the synthesis, and drafted and refined parts of the manuscript. MC designed the search strategy, undertook database searches and drafted and refined parts of the manuscript. DCC undertook study selection and drafted and refined parts of the manuscript. AB provided methodological support and advice, checked and refined the synthesis, and drafted and refined parts of the manuscript. AC provided topic expertise and drafted and refined parts of the manuscript. EG undertook stakeholder consultation and protocol development, drafted and refined parts of the manuscript, and was the guarantor of the review. All authors reviewed the manuscript.

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Correspondence to Emma S. Hock .

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AB is a Cochrane author and co-convenor of the Cochrane Qualitative and Implementation Methods Group, and was also previously a member of the NIHR Evidence Synthesis Advisory Group from 2018 to 2022 and a member of the NIHR HS&DR Funding Board from 2018 to 2022. No other authors have competing interests to declare.

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Hock, E.S., Blank, L., Fairbrother, H. et al. Exploring the impact of housing insecurity on the health and wellbeing of children and young people in the United Kingdom: a qualitative systematic review. BMC Public Health 24 , 2453 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-024-19735-9

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21 Things to Know Before Moving to Russia

International Moving

If you’re seriously considering a move to Russia, you’re set for a фантастика (fantastic) time.

You’ll find a fascinating nation with a difficult history that has an incredible variety of people, great cultural offerings, and a wonderfully low cost of living – not to mention a neverending collection of awe-inspiring sites to see.

4,583 Americans already live in Russia (United Nations, 2020), so you’ll have a ready-made community of expats in this extraordinary nation. But there are still some things you should be aware of before you arrive – and we’ve got you covered.

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In Moscow, you can find the beautiful St Basil’s Cathedral and Spassky Tower

1. Russia is the biggest country in the world

If you think America is big, just wait until you arrive in Russia.

The behemoth is the largest nation in the world – nearly double the size of the US – and covers one-eighth of all inhabitable land on the planet.

It stretches from Norway to Japan, across the entirety of Asia, and sometimes connects Europe with the US – going the long way.

This only happens “sometimes” because despite Russia being at least 55 miles from Alaska, there are two islands in the Bering Strait between the countries – Big Diomede, owned by Russia, and Little Diomede, which belongs to the US.

They’re separated by 2.5 miles of water, but this sometimes freezes over, making it possible to walk from Russia to the US.

If you make the journey, be sure to watch the clock – the International Date Line is between the islands, resulting in a 23-hour time difference .

2. The time zones are bountiful

Speaking of which, look out for Russia’s 11 time zones , or they’ll trip you up while you’re exploring this mind-boggling country.

In the west, you have Kaliningrad, which is separate from the Russian mainland, located between Poland and Lithuania, and is seven hours ahead of Eastern Standard Time (EST).

And in the further corner of Eastern Russia, 10 time zones later, you’ll find Kamchatka, which is 17 hours ahead of EST.

There’s good news, though: there is no daylight savings in Russia.

3. Religious freedom is a right – but only in theory

Russia enshrined religious freedom in its 1993 constitution, but that principle – though still present on paper – is being eroded by President Vladimir Putin’s government.

Russia’s four most common religions – Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, and Judaism – are seen as legitimate, while followers of other faiths suffer persecution and imprisonment.

Russian law allows the government to ban religious activities that disturb public order or qualify as “extremist” – a subjective provision that is unfortunately open to abuse.

Jehovah’s Witnesses and various Muslim groups are routinely imprisoned, seemingly just for practising their faith.

228 people in Russia were imprisoned for their religion in 2020, according to the US State Department . The figure stood at 245 in 2019.

Human rights group Memorial, who said the number was likely three to four times higher , was ordered to shut down by the Russian Supreme Court in December 2021.

4. The healthcare system is worse

Russia’s healthcare system is universal, meaning you should pay less per year than you would in the US – but it’s worse in quality.

The country ranks 58th in the world for healthcare, according to a 2018 study published in The Lancet and funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.

That places Russia below poorer nations like Albania, Belarus, and Cuba – and 29 spots behind the US , which came 29th.

The average life expectancy in Russia is 73.2, which means the 11th-richest country in the world ranks below the global average in 97th place , trailing nations like Bangladesh, Cape Verde, and Libya.

And though your payments will be lower overall, your out-of-pocket costs will make up a higher proportion, at 38.3% of your healthcare spending in Russia. That’s 3.5 times more than in the US, where 10.8% of expenditure is out of pocket.

Check out our guide to healthcare in Russia , and if you’re thinking of moving to this stunning country, remember to consider medical cover for when you’re out there.

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5. Learn some Russian

Around 30% of Russians speak English, with the EF English Proficiency Index 2021 ranking Russians as generally having “moderate proficiency” in the language.

This means that it’s in your best interest to learn some of the local language, so you’re not left floundering when someone doesn’t understand you.

Business dealings will likely take place in English – but if you want to make friends, be accepted by Russians, or just go to the cinema, you should learn enough of the local language to communicate basic ideas.

6. It’s not just cold and snowy

Russia’s size means that its climates and temperatures vary enormously from region to region.

The southwestern city of Sochi, which hosted the 2014 Winter Olympics, has an average temperature of 58°F , hits the hot highs of 77°F and above from June to September, and experiences barely any snow.

In contrast, the more northern cities of St Petersburg and Moscow are bracingly cold, at 43°F on average, and typically experience around 100 days of snowfall throughout the year.

And Khabarovsk, which sits just by the Chinese border in the eastern reaches of Russia, has an average temperature of 37°F , though it regularly falls to -10°F during the long, cold winters.

Do some research on the local weather before deciding exactly where to live, as the cold will contribute to any culture shock you’ll feel.

Sochi is home to multiple idyllic beaches

7. The food is delicious and varied

Russian food is often unfairly stereotyped as heavy and bland, when in actual fact there’s a huge amount of diversity and flavor in the nation’s dishes.

Try some of the delicious, gigantic red king crab on the East Coast, then sample all the varieties of borscht , a sweet and sour soup made with meat stock and beetroot.

In Moscow, you can try it with beef, ham, and sausages; in Paskov near Estonia it’s served with dried smelt (a type of fish), and in Siberia, you can have it with meatballs.

All over the country, you can savour pelmeni , a foundational part of Russian cuisine which originated in the mineral-rich Ural Mountains.

These delicious dumplings comprise a thin layer of dough with a filling of minced meat, garlic, and onion.

If you’re ready for dessert, try small pancakes called blini , which come with jam and condensed milk – though they can also be served with caviar or sour cream.

Finish your meal with another kind of pancake called tvorozhniki – fried vanilla offerings with a creamy centre and toppings like apple sauce, honey, and jam.

And wash it all down with a wonderfully sweet Kalmyk tea – made with butter, milk, and salt – or sbiten , a hot, comforting drink composed of honey, water, jam, and spices such as cinnamon and cloves.

8. Living costs are much lower

Russian living costs sit well below what you’re probably used to at home, even without taking into account the money you’ll save from not paying exorbitant amounts for your healthcare.

You’ll find that basically every expense costs about half as much in Russia, from food and beer to clothes, public transport, and house purchases.

The one big exception to this rule is rent, which is three times cheaper in Russia. Outstanding.

If you’re able to secure yourself a salary that’s around the same amount you picked up in the US, you’ll be in a monetary utopia. And if not, you’ll probably still be in great shape.

If you’re about to move to Russia, you’ll probably need to convert some of your savings into rubles.

However, it’s best to avoid using big-name banks for this process, as you’ll usually have to pay high fees, and you won’t get the best exchange rate.

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9. Russia struggles with its history

You can view Russia’s history simply.

It was created as the Kievan Rus, was conquered by and then overthrew the Mongols, saw dictatorial tsars expand the borders, changed forever with the 1917 communist revolution, survived the Cold War, and finally emerged as a capitalist, supposedly democratic nation.

But this, of course, skips over all the trauma of a recent history that includes 32.5 million deaths during the two World Wars, and as many as 20 million deaths due to Joseph Stalin’s rule.

Because of this shared experience, it’s often hard to get Russians to accept you as one of their own – and that’s reasonable.

You don’t have the same intergenerational trauma – which many Russians haven’t processed properly, with Stalin still venerated in many people’s minds.

As long as you tread lightly and allow locals to express themselves without judging, you should be just fine.

10. Soccer is the main event…

The biggest sport in Russia is soccer, with over 1.5 million players – so jump right in and give the beautiful game a try.

The country, which hosted the World Cup in 2018, has a league full of passion, increasingly high standards, and fierce rivalries which occasionally spill over.

Go to games, by all means, but preferably with a local who knows how to keep you safe – and if you want to support a team, choose carefully.

11. …but ice hockey is a ton of fun

Depending on where you grew up, you may be able to bond with Russians over ice hockey, which is played in the same ferocious, frantic, fun way it is in the States.

Many incarnations of the Soviet team were legendary, and the current crop is also excellent, and remains in the Big Six with Canada and the US.

Russia has won four of the past 13 World Championships, and its domestic league, the Kontinental Hockey League, is second in quality only to the National Hockey League.

12. Making friends is hard work – but it’s worth it

While America is more individualistic, with most people embracing the capitalist, dog-eat-dog version of society, Russia is more collectivist.

This means that generosity is valued, trust is harder to win, and friendships are created over time, with Russians typically wanting to build a strong foundation before opening up.

On the flip side, personal space is not respected in the same way in Russia, so if you can, get used to people standing extremely close to you while having a conversation.

You can also encourage people you meet to trust you by being direct, honest, and not repetitive. Saying “sorry” or “thank you” over and over comes across as disingenuous, so don’t do it.

13. You should explore this captivating country

Russia is a beautiful nation, with a stunning number of natural and manmade landmarks worth visiting.

The country has 30 UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) World Heritage Sites – even more than the US.

This includes wonders from the Red Square, Kremlin, and Kizhi Pogost in the west, to the volcanoes of Kamchatka and Wrangel Island Reserve in the east. The Reserve features polar bears, Pacific walruses, and dozens of endangered bird species.

Make sure you also visit the Virgin Komi Forests and Western Caucasus. These wildlife regions are unaffected by humanity, and as a result are breathtakingly gorgeous.

the Koryaksky volcano in Kamchatka, Russia

Go see the stunning Koryaksky volcano in Kamchatka

14. Vodka isn’t the only drink, but it is great

If you drink, you have to start with Russia’s world class vodka.

Ask a Russian friend which brands you should try, or just visit a ryumochnaya, where you can have a shot of the best local vodka and a delicious appetizer before quickly going on your way.

There’s more to Russian drinks than vodka, though. There’s also a roaring beer industry, wine made in the warmer south, and medovukha, a honey drink that’s very similar to mead, but is fermented over just a month.

Try a nastoika or five, too. These flavored drinks, which usually use vodka as a base, come in an amazing variety of flavours, including honey and pepper, cranberry, blackcurrant, and horseradish.

Watch out for Yorsh though. This cocktail of vodka and beer is deceptively dangerous, especially as you usually can’t taste the vodka.

15. There are plenty of national celebrations…

Embrace Russia’s numerous festivals, but be careful – celebrations here are either religious or patriotic in nature, so when you feel like an outsider, take a step back. Follow your friends’ leads.

At the New Year, celebrations will either involve family-centric activities where parents dress up as Grandfather Frost and his granddaughter Snow Maiden, or a great deal of partying, as the festivities of New Year’s Eve is followed by a week off from work.

Orthodox Christmas comes next, on 7 January. If you’re lucky enough to be invited to a family celebration, you can look forward to a feast involving dumplings, salmon pie, Russian salad, and gingerbread cookies.

At the end of February and the start of March, Russians celebrate Defender of the Fatherland Day – Men’s Day, basically – and International Women’s Day, respectively.

Be sure to give the woman in your life an odd number of flowers, as even numbers are reserved for gravesites.

Easter is celebrated even more widely than Christmas, with big Easter Sunday meals up and down the country.

Also watch out for National Unity Day, Russia Day, and Victory Day, which are all patriotic celebrations that will take over the country for a short while.

16. …and loads of days off work

These national holidays mean that you and everyone else in Russia get around 19 days off work per year – but that’s not where it ends.

You’ll also automatically get another 28 days off to use every year, because the government has created a legal minimum amount of leave – like every industrialized nation apart from the US.

You can use this time to go back to the States for a visit, to explore the mind-blowing sites that Russia has to offer, or simply to relax. In any case, it’ll feel like a glorious upgrade.

17. Russian humor can take you by surprise

The classic image of the gruff, humorless Russian is false and unfair – people here are just as funny as they are anywhere.

Be prepared, though. Russian humour is sometimes deadpan or sarcastic, sometimes extremely direct, and sometimes unfortunately relies on negative cultural stereotypes – all of which can knock you off balance.

The key is to stay on your toes, and develop your awareness over time. If in doubt, make a self-deprecating joke, as this will go down well.

18. Punctuality is less important

Russians have a casual relationship with time, which can take some getting used to.

You may be tempted to lock down your plans with someone two or three weeks in advance, but don’t bother – Russians will cancel the day before if a friend or family member asks them for a favor.

Instead, try to make peace with arranging gatherings, friendly hangs, and dates the day before.

If you’re invited to a party for 8pm, don’t get there until 8:30pm at the earliest – though 9pm will be considered late.

It’s also worth noting that Russians tend not to use am or pm. So instead of saying “7pm,” either say “7 in the evening” or “19:00.” Russians understand military time.

If you’re attending a business meeting, it’s still worth being on time – but if your boss is late, no one will comment on it. Don’t say anything yourself!

19. You may face anti-American attitudes

Some may react negatively to you because of the Cold War, but it’s much more likely you’ll encounter hostility because of the current state of relations between the two nations, with Putin having locked horns with successive US administrations.

In a 2020 poll by the independent Levada Center , 82% of Russians said that their country had enemies – and 70% of those people named the US as one of the enemies they had in mind.

A separate Levada poll from 2020 found that 46% of Russians had a negative perception of the US, compared to 42% who held a positive view.

Just try not to bring up politics, or any wars the US and Russia may be engaged in when you go.

20. Communication is direct and honest

In general, you’ll find Russians are direct and matter-of-fact while talking to you.

This can be disconcerting, particularly when you’re facing criticism, as Russians will usually be straightforward and honest, with none of the sugarcoating you may be used to.

This can come across as rude – and often, it is – but at least you’ll know where you stand.

Russians are also more comfortable with swearing in casual situations, so depending on where you stand on that concept, either ready yourself or your best Russian swears.

21. There are so many different peoples

Though the majority of people you’ll meet here are ethnically Russian, this country is home to more than 120 ethnic groups, speaking around 100 languages.

Depending on where you live, you may find yourself living among people who, like many Americans, primarily define themselves by their ethnic group or locality, not their nation.

If you’ve spoken to enough Texans, Californians, or New Yorkers, you’ll have heard some of them say they feel more attached to their state than to the US – and many peoples here feel the same way, like the Tatars.

You’ll find that this is more common the further east you travel – though there’s also plenty of diversity in western cities like Moscow and St Petersburg.

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Ukraine war latest: Russian drones breach Romanian and Latvian airspace - as Iran denies sending missiles to Russia

Romania and Latvia are investigating instances of Russian drones that crashed after breaching their airspace. Meanwhile, Iran has denied that it transferred missiles to Russia and called the reports "psychological warfare".

Monday 9 September 2024 16:32, UK

The city of Pokrovsk has been the center of strong attacks by the Russian army in recent weeks, pictured in Pokrovsk, Ukraine, September 2, 2024. Photo/Darvik Maca Vojtech (CTK via AP Images)

NATO members Romania and Latvia investigating airspace breach by Russia after drones crash
Drone that crashed in Latvia 'was carrying explosives'
Russia 'seizes Ukrainian village in Donbas' and captures key town as troops advance on Pokrovsk
Iran denies sending missiles to Russia
What you need to know as the war enters another week
Explained: What Iran is getting out of its 'strategic partnership' with Russia
Analysis: What does Russia gain with Iranian missiles?
Your questions answered : Could Zelenskyy's 'buffer zone' aim lead to war's end?
Live reporting by Gemma Peplow

Thanks for following our live updates today.

We started the day with Russia's defence ministry saying its forces had captured the town of Novohrodivka, in Ukraine's eastern Donetsk region, which lies around seven miles from Pokrovsk - an important rail and road hub for Ukrainian forces in the area.

Later on, the ministry claimed in an unverified report that troops had taken control of the nearby village of Memryk, about 14 miles (22km) away.

In the city of Nikopol, in the south of Ukraine, officials said a 16-year-old girl had died and three other people had been left injured following artillery fire there at the weekend.

Romania and Latvia have also been investigating after Russian drones breached their airspace, with Latvian officials saying a drone that crashed there was carrying explosives likely intended for Ukraine.

And after Sky News was told by a Ukrainian source at the weekend that hundreds of short-range ballistic missiles had arrived in Russia from Iran - a story reported by the Wall Street Journal and other news outlets - Iran today denied the reports, describing them as "psychological warfare", according to state media.

That's all from our live coverage today. We'll be back tomorrow with more updates on the Ukraine war.

A senior Ukrainian official is calling on Western partner countries to allow weapons they have supplied to be used to strike military warehouses inside Russia, due to the suspicions over Iran providing ballistic missiles for the Kremlin's war effort.

Earlier today, Iran denied the reports that emerged over the weekend (see our 11.20am post).

On Saturday, a Ukrainian source told Sky News that a Russian ship had delivered short-range Fatah-360 missiles from Tehran to a port in the Caspian Sea. The US has also told allies it believes Iran has sent short-range ballistic missiles to Russia, two sources told the Associated Press news agency.

Western countries supporting Ukraine in the war have previously hesitated to let its military strike targets on Russian soil. However, the head of the Ukrainian presidential office has now said that "protection is not escalation".

Writing on Telegram, Andriy Yermak said: "In response to the supply of ballistic missiles to Russia, Ukraine must be allowed to destroy warehouses storing these missiles with Western weapons in order to avoid terror."

He did not specify which country was supplying the missiles.

Russia has been receiving Iranian-made Shahed drones since 2022, and the possible shipment of Iranian ballistic missiles as well has alarmed Western governments.

However, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said today that "this kind of information is not true every time" - while in Iran, foreign ministry spokesman Nasser Kanaani also denied the missile reports.

"We strongly reject allegations about Iran's role in sending weapons to one side of the war and we assess these allegations as politically motivated by some parties," Mr Kanaani said.

Mr Peskov described Iran as "our important partner", and said: "We are developing our trade and economic relations. We are developing our co-operation and dialogue in all possible areas, including the most sensitive ones, and will continue to do so in the interests of the peoples of our two countries."

For context: CIA director William Burns warned in London at the weekend of the growing and "troubling" defence relationship involving Russia, China, Iran and North Korea.

Those ties, he said, threaten both Ukraine and Western allies in the Middle East.

China's defence ministry has also announced joint naval and air drills with Russia, starting this month (see our 09.28am post).

Latvian officials have said a Russian military drone that crashed in the country at the weekend was carrying explosives likely to have been intended for Ukraine.

The drone fell in the region of the village of Gaigalava, some 90 km (56 miles) from the border with Belarus, which is where it entered the country, according to a Latvian defence ministry statement.

As we reported earlier (see our post at 06.53am), both Latvia and Romania have been investigating instances of Russian drones that crashed after breaching their airspace.

The countries are both NATO members and supporters of Ukraine.

Speaking at a news conference today, Latvia's armed forces commander Lieutenant General Leonids Kalnins said the drone that landed there was of the Iranian-designed Shahed type, according to Latvia's Delfi news website.

The drone's explosives, which were likely meant for Ukraine, were deactivated following its discovery, he said.

Previously, the Romanian defence ministry said of the drone that breached its airspace, that its "radar supervision system identified and tracked the path" of the unmanned aircraft, "which entered national airspace and then exited towards Ukraine".

Yesterday, NATO deputy secretary general Mircea Geoana denounced the incidents as "irresponsible and potentially dangerous", while saying there was no indication of a deliberate attack on alliance member-states.

Polish security services have neutralised a cyber sabotage operation by Russia and Belarus, Poland's deputy prime minister has said.

Warsaw has repeatedly accused Moscow of attempting to destabilise Poland due to its role in supplying military aid to neighbour Ukraine - allegations Russia has dismissed.

Krzysztof Gawkowski, Poland's deputy prime minister and also minister for digital affairs, said today that saboteurs, operating from Belarus in co-operation with Russia, had attempted to gain information from government institutions.

"The Belarusian and Russian foreign services... had a specific goal - to extort information, to blackmail individuals and institutions and to wage a de facto cyberwar," he said.

The attempt was thwarted, he added.

Cyberattacks have doubled since 2023, Mr Gawkowski said. They have targeted Polish organisations and institutions, including logistics companies that run military deliveries to Ukraine, he added.

"In cyberspace, dangers come every hour, every minute. It often happens that there are over a thousand incidents in a day," he said.

By Sean Bell , military analyst

Numerous reports suggest Russia has taken delivery of up to 200 short-range ballistic missiles from Iran, which the US has stated would mark a sharp escalation in the Ukraine war.

In response, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters that "Iran is our important partner, we are developing our trade and economic relations" and "dialogue in all possible areas, including the most sensitive ones".

The contract for the Iranian Ababil and Fatah-360 ballistic missiles was reported to have been signed in December last year, and is a clear indication of an increasingly close military relationship between Iran and Russia.

Tactically, Iranian missiles would enable Russia to increase the intensity of attacks across Ukraine, allowing it to focus its limited supplies of domestically produced long-range Iskander missiles at targets deep inside the country.

Under the United Nations Security Council Resolution 2231, Iran was unable to export ballistic missiles - but when that sanction expired in October last year, Russia immediately started negotiations to address its wartime shortfall.

In September 2022, Iran started supplying Russia with Shahed 131 and 136 drones. Although these have not been difficult for Ukrainian air defence systems to intercept, the significant volumes being launched by Russia have enabled some to get through.

Russian cruise missiles were very effective at striking deep inside Ukraine at the start of the conflict, but the provision of advanced Western air defence systems - such as the Patriot - have limited their impact.

However, ballistic missiles present a more challenging target for air defence systems - largely due to their hypersonic speed.

Evidence suggests they can be intercepted, but probably only be high-end Western air defence missiles, and these are expensive and in relatively short supply.

More worrying in the long-term is what Iran is gaining from this flourishing military trade with Russia.

In addition to providing hard currency, reports suggest Russia has also been persuaded to supply Iran with technology and expert support for Iran's fledgling nuclear weapons programme in return for the vital supplies of weapons, all in violation of ongoing western sanctions.

Regardless of the outcome on the ground, Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine has profound implications for wider global security.

Iran has denied reports that it transferred missiles to Russia.

Senior revolutionary guards' commander Fazlollah Nozari described the reports today as "psychological warfare", according to state media.

Meanwhile, the Kremlin has also responded to the reports that Iran sent short-range ballistic missiles to Russia.

It comes after a Ukrainian source told Sky News on Saturday that a Russian ship delivered the short-range Fatah-360 missiles from Tehran to a port in the Caspian Sea.

This followed a report in the Wall Street Journal - which cited unidentified US and European officials.

But Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said today that not all such reports were correct.

"Iran is our important partner, we are developing our trade and economic relations, we are developing our co-operation and dialogue in all possible areas, including the most sensitive ones," Mr Peskov told reporters.

Tehran and Moscow have drawn closer since the start of Russia's war in Ukraine in February 2022, with Iran supplying its Shahed drones to Russia's military.

On Friday, the US said any Iranian transfer of ballistic missiles to Russia would mark a sharp escalation in the Ukraine war.

Russian forces have taken control of the village of Memryk, in Ukraine's eastern Donetsk region, Russia's TASS state news agency reports - citing the country's defence ministry.

Sky News has not yet been able to independently verify the report.

Russian forces are advancing in eastern Ukraine in an attempt to take the whole of the Donbas.

They currently control about 80% of the eastern region.

A 16-year-old girl has died following Russian artillery fire in the city of Nikopol, in the south of Ukraine, over the weekend, a regional governor has said.

Serhiy Lysak, head of Dnipropetrovsk OVA, said emergency crews pulled the teenager from the rubble of a damaged building in a statement shared on Telegram . However, medics were unable to save her, he wrote.

Three other people suffered shrapnel wounds, he said, including a 79-year-old man who was taken to hospital with injuries of "moderate severity".

Private homes are among the buildings that have been damaged, Mr Lysak said.

It comes after a 76-year-old woman was killed and another woman was injured in the area at the weekend.

Several fires broke out following the attacks, he added.

Russia's military will dispatch naval and air forces to join an exercise held by China in the Sea of Japan and Sea of Okhotsk this month, China's official Xinhua news agency reports, citing the country's defence ministry.

The drills aim to deepen "the level of strategic coordination between the Chinese and Russian militaries and enhance their ability to jointly respond to security threats", Xinhua said.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has a strong relationship with Russia - China buys Russia's oil and sends so-called "dual use" machinery and semi-conductors to the country.

Vladimir Putin held talks with Mr Xi in Beijing earlier this year, and thanked him for China's efforts to resolve the Ukraine conflict.

Ukrainian authorities used searchlights to look for drones in the sky over the city of Kyiv overnight as Russia launched another drone strike.

We reported earlier that Russia launched an overnight drone attack on the Ukrainian capital, with air defence units engaged in repelling the strikes (see post at 7.16am).

Ukraine's energy ministry said this morning that Russian forces had attacked energy facilities in seven regions in the space of 24 hours, in a statement on Telegram.

The statement did not detail the scale of damage at the facilities.

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Some countries achieve international sports by building specialised facilities to train top athletes, instead of providing sports facilities that everyone can use. Do you think this is positive or negative development? DISCUSS BOTH VIEWS AND GIVE YOUR OPINION.

‘some people think children should have the freedom to make mistakes, while other people believe that adults should prevent children from making mistakes.’ discuss both sides and give your opinion., you have recently moved to a different house. write a letter to an english-speaking friend. in your letter •explain why you have moved •describe the new house •invite your friend to come and visit, some people say that the best way to improve public health is by increasing the number of sports faculties . others , however say that this would have little effect on public health and other measures are required . discuss both these views and give your own opinion ., 6.some people think that hosting an international sporting event is beneficial for a country, while others disagree. do the advantages of hosting a major sporting event outweigh the disadvantages.

Donald J. Trump, wearing a blue suit and a red tie, walks down from an airplane with a large American flag painted onto its tail.

Trump and Allies Forge Plans to Increase Presidential Power in 2025

The former president and his backers aim to strengthen the power of the White House and limit the independence of federal agencies.

Donald J. Trump intends to bring independent regulatory agencies under direct presidential control. Credit... Doug Mills/The New York Times

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By Jonathan Swan Charlie Savage and Maggie Haberman

Published July 17, 2023 Updated July 18, 2023

Donald J. Trump and his allies are planning a sweeping expansion of presidential power over the machinery of government if voters return him to the White House in 2025, reshaping the structure of the executive branch to concentrate far greater authority directly in his hands.

Their plans to centralize more power in the Oval Office stretch far beyond the former president’s recent remarks that he would order a criminal investigation into his political rival, President Biden, signaling his intent to end the post-Watergate norm of Justice Department independence from White House political control.

Mr. Trump and his associates have a broader goal: to alter the balance of power by increasing the president’s authority over every part of the federal government that now operates, by either law or tradition, with any measure of independence from political interference by the White House, according to a review of his campaign policy proposals and interviews with people close to him.

Mr. Trump intends to bring independent agencies — like the Federal Communications Commission, which makes and enforces rules for television and internet companies, and the Federal Trade Commission, which enforces various antitrust and other consumer protection rules against businesses — under direct presidential control.

He wants to revive the practice of “impounding” funds, refusing to spend money Congress has appropriated for programs a president doesn’t like — a tactic that lawmakers banned under President Richard Nixon.

He intends to strip employment protections from tens of thousands of career civil servants, making it easier to replace them if they are deemed obstacles to his agenda. And he plans to scour the intelligence agencies, the State Department and the defense bureaucracies to remove officials he has vilified as “the sick political class that hates our country.”

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Moving from First Home to New Home Narrative Essay

The author of the passage was forced to move from their childhood home at the age of ten. They found it difficult to leave behind the friends and familiar surroundings they had grown up with. The new neighborhood was not as safe, and the author experienced break-ins and thefts. They still feel sad that they won’t see their mom grow old in their old home, where they have many pleasant memories including the last time they saw their grandma. The author reflects on the notion that a home is more of a checkpoint in life and that taking risks is worth it. The experience has left the author wondering what is to come next.

I was ripped from the home I grew up in. It can be hard for kids to move. I think it was tough for me because I had to leave my friends, my safe place, and the home I grew up in. At the age of ten, I moved to a new house. It was disappointing because I had to leave the friends I grew up with behind. We would play together every day, but the day I told them I had to move, we all sulked around. My mom was in a very good mood, but every time she looked at me I couldn’t help but cry because I was leaving my friends behind.

The move to the new house was pretty scary. I didn’t know anyone around, and I felt like it wasn’t safe. My neighborhood is not the best. Since I have moved, there have been multiple break-ins and thefts around my house, including mine. I still get scared, which makes me feel like my old house was a safer place. I always thought that I would live in the place I grew up in until I was eighteen. It never happened, and I still don’t like the thought that I won’t see my mom grow old in that house.

Although my memories are pleasant, they can still make me sad. My old home was the first and last spot I had seen my grandma which makes me miss her all the time. From my point of view, the new house can’t bring as many memories as the one I grew up in. I have figured out that it’s not just a location, but more of a checkpoint through the adventure that is life. Also it’s nice to feel safe, but glory usually takes risks. The experience leaves me wondering what will come next.

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Finding a Russian apartment

Find the requirements to rent in Russia and how to find Russian apartments for rent – plus learn about your tenant rights when renting an apartment in Russia.

By Expatica

Updated 13-8-2024

Important notice from the Editor in Chief

Maintaining our Russian site is a delicate matter during the war. We have chosen to keep its content online to help our readers, but we cannot ensure that it is accurate and up to date. Our team endeavors to strike the right balance between giving information to those who need it, and respecting the gravity of the situation.

If you’re moving to Russia, you need to find accommodation in Russia and figure out where to live in Moscow , whether you want to be right in the heart of the city or out in the quieter suburbs, plus whether it is better to buy or rent in Moscow.

For expats relocating to Russia , choosing to rent in Russia can be a feasible solution in the initial period; Russian law is very favorable to tenants. Renting Russian apartments allows more flexibility to shop around and research particular areas. It can also help you decide how long you want to stay and whether buying a property in Russia is a good option, as many expats are on temporary work contracts in Russia .

Our guide explains the necessary information for renting in Moscow:

Renting in Moscow overview

Types of russian apartments, rental prices for russian apartments, how to find russian apartments for rent, rental agreements for russian apartments, required paperwork to rent in moscow, paying utilities while renting in moscow, renting in moscow city center, other popular residential areas, expat communities in moscow.

The rental real estate market in Russia has been very competitive following the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990. At the time, all property was state-owned and allocated to individuals to use based on their occupation. Post-communism, Russian housing, in particular Moscow property, has flourished with a buoyant market for renting and buying Russian property .

A buyer’s guide to Russian mortgages

However, as the Russian economy expanded post-communism, rental prices in Moscow also dramatically rose; capitalism and more foreign investment meant an influx of foreign nationals and an increased demand for accommodation in Moscow.

But since the crash in oil prices and Russia’s invasions in Crimea in 2015 and elsewhere in Ukraine in 2022, many international firms have withdrawn or cut investments in the country. The lower demand for property initially led to a drop in the price of Moscow rentals, up to some 40% in some neighborhoods.

As a rule, the majority of rentals in Russia are apartments and come either furnished, semi-furnished, or unfurnished. Most landlords accommodate requests to add or remove furniture. In some cases, you can agree for them to buy furniture you have purchased when you leave.

In the outer suburbs of Moscow, there are also many gated complexes and luxurious villas. Naturally, expect to pay a premium, plus factor in a longer commute. However, you will have more chance of finding a house to rent in Moscow.

If you’re studying in Russia , there are dormitories, room rentals, and homestays to help reduce the cost of renting in Moscow.

There are also some distinct styles of Russian housing , such as the kommunalki , communal flats as seen in Moscow, and dacha , small houses in the countryside. Read even more in our guides to the history of houses in Russia .

Rental prices in Moscow are typically listed with square meter measurements and a monthly cost in rubles or US dollars. According to Numbeo, a one-bedroom apartment in Moscow’s city center will cost an average of RUB 78,000, whereas you can expect to pay RUB 46,000 farther out in the suburbs. A three-bedroom apartment can average from RUB 90,000 to RUB 180,000 depending on the location and size. However, there is room for negotiation with rental prices in some cases, for example, through Russian utilities or negotiating on furnishings and redecoration. Rent is often still in cash. Most landlords accept wire transfers in roubles or dollars.

A one-month rent deposit is also necessary for most of the landlords in Moscow. If you’re using a real estate agent, they likely charge a caution fee to secure the property, as well as administrative and arrangement services for drawing up rental agreements. This can vary from agent to agent, so ask upfront for costs.

The most common way of finding property in Moscow is via an estate agent. If you have a good grasp of the Russian language and want to get a better price, you can source local Moscow accommodation in newspapers or online with website such as Gdeetotdom , Cian , The Locals and Kvartirant that list properties from estate agents and private landlords.

Whether you decide to use an estate agent or go it alone, you may need a translator to ensure you can clearly communicate with the agent or landlord and fully understand what the rental includes.

Foreigners can opt for an international real estate agent to draw up the necessary lease documents in Russian and English. Naturally, they charge extra for this service.

There are also real estate agents and serviced apartments in Moscow catered to expats; doing an online search will reveal numerous websites, including:

moscow-rentals.ru
intermarksavills.ru
moscowsuites.ru

Rental agreements in Moscow are usually prepared by the real estate agent and are rarely notarized. A standard lease is in two languages: Russian and English. Contracts are relatively short but the terms may vary, so read carefully before you sign.

Moscow rental contracts usually last from one to three years. An early termination requires a one to three-month notice to the landlord. Early termination by landlords, however, is not customary and against Russian legislation, unless a tenant is in breach of an agreement.

Standard rental terms tend to be favorable for a tenant. Landlords usually insist on a right to inspect the property on a regular basis. Rent is in dollars, rubles, or less often in euros. Payments are generally monthly or quarterly. Longer advance payments can be made to reduce the rent.

Rental contracts of one year or longer need to go through the state registration in the Federal Registration Service. It is a bothersome procedure that requires the personal presence of both the landlord and the tenant. To avoid this, the length of the rent is often kept at 364 days in most cases or a tenancy agreement is used in place of a lease where possible.

Much paperwork is also necessary to rent accommodation in Moscow, from both the tenant and landlord.

Your landlord should prove ownership and the right to legally rent out the property. This can be in the form of a standard ownership document or shared ownership. Standard ownership documents may include a variety of documents depending on when and in what manner the property was acquired. Certificate of the State Registration of Ownership Rights states the address of the apartment and the owner’s name. If there’s more than one property owner, it will indicate the share of ownership but won’t list other owners. Such certificates accompany any ownership document if the property was acquired after 1998, but earlier transactions don’t require this.

If the property was privatized, the ownership documents come in two parts: the Agreement of Transfer and the Certificate of Ownership. Privatization documents list all owners and their shares. Another common ownership document is the sale-purchase agreement.

Besides ownership verification, it’s important to see the landlord’s identification – usually a passport. If a property has multiple owners, make sure that all property owners sign the lease agreement or provide a power of attorney to act on their behalf.

The tenant doesn’t require elaborate credit checks. Landlords usually ask for a copy of a passport and visa, and, in some cases, for proof of employment. It is also customary to leave a contact person and a phone number of your office.

In Moscow, tenants must register at their residence. Tenants can register in the Moscow Visa Registration Office (UVIR), using their landlord’s notarised consent or a rental contract.

When renting Russian apartments, basic utilities such as water, heating, and facility management fees are typically part of the rental price. However, additional bills for electricity, internet, television, and telecommunication services are usually separate payments by the tenant.

Utilities in Russia are state-run and generally cheap. However, this does mean that tenants have no control if they’re living in a typical Russian apartment, rather than a plush modern building, as the government dictates when the heating turns on and off. Also, in the summer, the hot water is turned off for up to three weeks across the whole city for routine maintenance.

Read Expatica’s guide for more information on utilities in Russia .

Where to live in Moscow

When deciding on where to rent in Moscow, it’s important to decide beforehand what you can afford, the type of accommodation and minimum requirements you need, as well as the location and amenities it offers. Specifically, in Moscow, the roads are always busy; having close proximity to the Metro or finding an apartment within walking distance of your place of work or study will play a big factor in your commute time.

Read Expatica’s guide for more information on where to live in Moscow .

For many young expats or those needing convenient access to the city, choosing to rent in the center of Moscow puts you in the heart of it all. Tverskaya Street, leading off from Red Square, is the most central street in Moscow.

Other central areas that are a little quieter, but equally as central, are between Arbat and Kropotkinskaya, which are beautiful tree-lined pedestrianized streets with a relaxed, cafe lifestyle.

Slightly out of the center, you’ll still find pleasant areas within the Sadovoye Koltso, also known as the Garden Ring. These are generally quieter, residential areas with good links to the city center and plenty of local amenities.

One of the more favored areas is the Patriarshiye Prudy , on the northeastern edge of the Garden Ring. With a pretty park as a central focus and good transport links with four metro stations all within walking distance, it’s a perfect compromise for urban living with more space.

However, if you want a slice of European architecture and charm, then Chistye Prudy is another attractive residential area, with a lake that offers boating in the summer and skating during the winter months.

For expats in Russia looking for international neighbors or extra comfort and security, there are a number of communities in Moscow. These are typically guarded compounds or serviced apartments with 24/7 security. Rental prices in these communities can be on the higher side, however.

Some of the most popular and prestigious areas for international communities are Pokrovsky Hills and Rosinka International Resident Complex, both situated in the northwest of Moscow and near some of Russia’s private international schools .

Naturally, choosing to rent in the suburbs means a considerably longer commute, but in a big city battling with air pollution, this is a small price to pay for fresh air, open space, and quiet.

Moving to Moscow

This guide was written prior to Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine and is therefore not reflective of the current situation. Travel to Russia is currently not advisable due to the area’s volatile political situation.

Moscow is an incredibly large, interesting and challenging destination offering a wide variety of experiences for expats. There is much to see and learn about Russian culture in the capital city, and expats will certainly not be bored among the hustle and bustle of Moscow's lively streets.

Living in Moscow as an expat

Moscow is a constantly changing and rapidly expanding city. As it's one of Russia's main economic centres, the majority of expats moving to Russia for work settle here. Moscow offers job opportunities in a range of fields, from technology and finance to human resources and teaching. These generally come with a rather lucrative employment package but are hard-earned and can be difficult to find.

Moscow has an extensive public transport system. The most common means of transport is the efficient, safe and cheap metro. Many of the metro stations are lavishly decorated and constitute works of art in themselves. During rush hour, it can get crowded, especially in the centre. Traffic congestion can be nightmarish in Moscow, and many expats choose to hire a driver rather than brave the roads alone.

Moscow is by no means short of cultural activities and events . No visit is complete without a trip to the Bolshoi Theatre, and ballet performances at the Kremlin Palace are outstanding. There are several fascinating museums in the city, as well as wonderful architecture.

Cost of living in Moscow

Moscow has a relatively high cost of living. While it's cheaper than many of the world's major capitals, accommodation comes at a huge cost, and those who choose to live lavishly will also pay dearly for it. That said, those with money can enjoy a luxurious lifestyle in Moscow that's on par with any major international city.

Expat families and children

Expat families should note that the standard of public education and hospitals can be considerably lacking in Moscow. That said, expats always have the option of sending their children to one of the private or international schools located in the capital. There are also numerous private healthcare facilities available that expats can visit.

Parents will be glad to know that Moscow is filled with attractions and activities to entertain the kids. Families will also discover that some of Moscow’s most attractive features are the many public parks dotted throughout the city, which give it a more spacious and leafier feel. Going for a walk in the park is a daily habit for many residents, and families with children can make use of these green spaces for a day spent outdoors.

Climate in Moscow

Unlike the rest of Russia, Moscow has a humid continental climate. Summer weather is warm, with average daytime temperatures of 73°F (23°C). Most of the city's rainfall occurs during the summer months. Winters, on the other hand, are long, cold and snowy.

Expats in Moscow who can keep an open mind will find that the Russian capital has a lot to offer. Before moving to Moscow, expats should read as much as they can about the city to prepare themselves and to minimise any initial culture shock . One of the best ways to prepare for relocating to Moscow is to learn how to read the Cyrillic alphabet and speak some basic Russian.

What do expats love about Moscow? " What I like the most about Moscow is the city itself. It is always clean, vibrant, and full of entertainment and friendly pedestrians. It means that you can walk as far as you want to and feel safe about doing so." Read more about Eva, an Indonesian expat, and her move to Moscow in her interview. " Honestly, I think Moscow is highly underrated. Compared to other metropolitan cities in the world, I think it is one of the best cities for quality of life! "Expats usually relocate here for business purposes since there are plenty of opportunities to take advantage of. Another bonus is the fast pace of city life, which is great for many expats." Read about Russia from the perspective of a Russian – Yulia, a global nomad, shares her thoughts on life in Moscow .

Are you an expat living in Moscow?

Expat Arrivals is looking for locals to contribute to this guide, and answer forum questions from others planning their move to Moscow. Please contact us if you'd like to contribute.

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COMMENTS

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