conclusion of congo essay

A short history of instability in the Congo...

The region that is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo was first settled about 80,000 years ago. Bantu migration arrived in the region from Nigeria in the 7th century AD. The Kingdom of Kongo developed between the 14th and the early 19th centuries. Belgian colonization began when King Leopold II founded the Congo Free State, a corporate state run solely by him. Reports of widespread murder and torture in the rubber plantations led the Belgian government to seize the Congo from Leopold II and establish the Belgian Congo. Under Belgian rule, the colony was run with the presence of numerous Christian organizations that wanted to Westernize the Congolese people.

After an uprising by the Congolese people, Belgium surrendered to the independence of the Congo in 1960. However, the Congo was left unstable because tribal leaders had more power than the central government. Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba tried to restore order with the aid of the Soviet Union as part of the Cold War, causing the United States to support a coup led by Colonel Joseph Mobutu in 1965. Mobutu quickly seized complete power of the Congo and renamed the country Zaire. He sought to Africanize the country, changing his own name to Mobutu Sese Seko, and demanded that African citizens change their Western names to traditional African names. Mobutu sought to repress any opposition to his rule, and retained his position for 32 years through several sham elections, as well as through brutal force. However, with his regime weakened in the early 1990s, Mobutu was forced to agree to a power-sharing government with the opposition party. Mobutu remained the head of state and promised elections for the next two years that never happened.

In the First Congo War, Rwanda invaded Zaire, which overthrew Mobutu during the process. Laurent-Desire Kabila later took power and renamed the Democratic Republic of the Congo. After a disappointing rule under Kabila, the Second Congo War broke out, resulting in a regional war with many different African nations taking part. Kabila was assassinated by his bodyguard in 2001, and his son, Joseph, succeeded him and was later elected president by the Congolese government in 2006. In October 2002, the new president was successful in negotiating the withdrawal of Rwandan forces occupying the eastern DRC; two months later, the Pretoria Accord was signed by all remaining warring parties to end the fighting and establish a government of national unity.

A transitional government was set up in July 2003; it held a successful constitutional referendum in December 2005 and elections for the presidency, National Assembly, and provincial legislatures took place in 2006. In 2009, following a resurgence of conflict in the eastern DRC, the government signed a peace agreement with the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), a primarily Tutsi rebel group. An attempt to integrate CNDP members into the Congolese military failed, prompting their defection in 2012 and the formation of the M23 armed group - named after the 23 March 2009 peace agreements.

Renewed conflict led to large population displacements and significant human rights abuses before the M23 was pushed out of DRC to Uganda and Rwanda in late 2013 by a joint DRC and UN offensive. In addition, the DRC continues to experience violence committed by other armed groups including the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, the Allied Democratic Forces, and assorted Mai Mai militias. In the most recent national elections, held in November 2011, disputed results allowed Joseph Kabila to be reelected to the presidency. The DRC Constitution bars President Kabila from running for a third term, but the DRC Government has delayed national elections originally slated for November 2016. The failure to hold elections as scheduled has fueled sporadic street protests by Kabila’s opponents. In late December 2016, government officials and opposition leaders struck a last-minute deal that will require Kabila to step down after elections to be held by the end of 2017. Today, the Congo remains dangerously unstable.

Shaun Mogoje

How to write full essay about congo.

HISTORY T1 W6 Gr. 12: INDEPENDENT AFRICA: THE CONGO

INDEPENDENT AFRICA: THE CONGO

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World History Edu

The Congo Crisis of 1960-1965: History, Causes & Effects

by World History Edu · October 9, 2022

The 1960s was a turbulent era in Africa as many of the colonized countries began gaining their independence and adjusting to self-rule. Just a few weeks after winning its independence from Belgium, the Republic of Congo, now the Democratic Republic of Congo, experienced a severe crisis that shook the country to its core and cost more than a hundred thousand lives, including the life of the first prime minister of Congo, Patrice Lumumba. It also transformed the Republic of Congo into a one-party state (under the authoritarian rule of Joseph-Désiré Mobutu) that endured until 1997.

The Congo Crisis (1960-1965), the first major crisis in Sub-Saharan Africa post-colonial era, claimed over 95,000 lives.

Below, World History Edu explores the major causes of the 1960 Congo Crisis, the key figures involved in the crisis, how it was resolved, and the effects on the country today.

The Congo Free State was established in 1885 and privately owned by King Leopold II of Belgium. However, due to the outcry by European countries and the United States on the atrocities committed against the locals during the extraction of ivory and rubber, the Belgian king reluctantly handed over Congo Free State to the Belgium government in 1908, which led to the formation of the Belgian Congo.

The Congo under the Belgium government led to the introduction of Christianity and education, which also led to the urbanization of the country and subsequently the push for self-governance by Congolese. The push for independence was not a walk in the park, it was plagued with resistance from the colonial master and tribal politics by the different ethnic groups in the country. The Congolese elites pushed for an independent Congo by organizing themselves into three main political parties;

The ABAKO (Alliance of Bakongo; French: Alliance des Bakongo) was founded in 1950 as an Association for the Bakongo people and it was led by Joseph Kasa-Vubu who would become the first elected president of the Republic of Congo.

The Mouvement National Congolais (MNC) was established in 1958 and it sought a centralized Congo and immediate withdrawal of the Belgium government. It was led by Albert Kalonji and Patrice Lumumba .

The Confederation of Tribal Association of Katanga people (CANAKAT) was formed in 1958 and sought the protection of the rich Katanga Province. It was pro-western and was led by Moïse Tshombe and Godefroid Munongo.

Congo’s struggle for independence

In January 1959, the call for independence turned aggressive as a protest from ABAKO got out of hand and turned into a bloody riot that took several days to resolve. Hundreds of lives were lost as a result of the riots.

The scream for independence rattled the Belgian government and King Baudouin promised independence would be given without delay and irresponsible rashness. The following year, the Congolese political elites were invited for a round table conference in Brussels and all the demands of Congolese leaders were granted. It was agreed that elections were to be held in May 1960 and the country became an independent nation in June 1960.

Joseph Kasa-Vubu was the first president of the DRC

The elections showed how divided the country was, as ABAKO and the MNC were tied and had to come to a compromise with Joseph Kasa-Vubu becoming the president of an independent Congo and Patrice Lumumba becoming its first head of government.

The Belgians handed over power officially to the new Congolese government on June 30, 1960.

Causes of the Congo Crisis

Just a week after independence was declared, the Congolese soldiers of Force Publique (a white militia group) rebelled against the force because the commander, Lt. General Emile Janssens, refused to allow promotions and salary increases for the Congolese members of the force.

Lumumba was a radical nationalist who opposed the post-colonial mining contract that was signed between Congo and Belgium

This mutiny soon led to widespread violence across racial lines in the country. Due to the murders of Belgian officers, the Belgium government deployed its own troops to restore peace and evacuate its citizens without the approval of the new Congolese President or Prime Minister.

The newly christened government sought the help of the United Nations to restore order to the country and the eviction of Belgian troops. The Belgian troops evacuated over 850,000 Belgians that were living in Congo; sadly, this was not the end but rather the beginning of the Congo Crisis. Colonel Mobutu took control of the army and saw to the promotion of certain officers to gain their allegiance.

The Main Cause of the Congo Crisis

Following the unrest, the resource-rich province of Katanga, led by Moïse Tshombe, seceded from the DRC. The Katangan rebels were allegedly backed by Belgian support. The South Kasai province, led by Albert Kalonji, Lumumba’s former ally, followed suit and seceded.

With support from the United States government, the United Nations sent a peacekeeping force but they refused to interfere in the Congolese government’s fight with the secessionists as they viewed this as an internal conflict.

This forced Prime Minister Lumumba’s hand to seek help from the Soviet Union, which angered the United States government. The U.S. and its western allies hoped the new Congolese government would be pro-west.

The arrival of a thousand Soviet advisors distanced Lumumba from the other members of the government, who feared the implications of involving the Soviet Union. This caused relationships between President Joseph Kasa-Vubu and Patrice Lumumba to sour.

With support from the Soviets, Congolese troops launched an aggressive attack against South Kasai, resulting in the deaths of many civilians and thousands of Luba civilians fleeing their homes.

The United States feared Congo’s relationship with the Soviet Union would lead to the spreads of communism in Africa. Therefore, Patrice Lumumba became a threat that simply had to be removed from power.

Moïse Tshombe – President of secessionist Katanga

Kasa-Vubu announced the dismissal of Prime Minister Lumumba. Lumumba also tried to dismiss the President but did not get the support, resulting in a constitutional deadlock.

It is alleged the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) sought the help of an agent in the person of Joseph-Désiré Mobutu to get rid of the Lumumba threat. There is no evidence to back this claim, however, Mobutu executed a bloodless coup d’état in September 1960 to avoid a civil war. Upon assuming of power in the country, the military leader ordered the Soviet advisors to leave the country immediately.

Deposed Prime Minister Lumumba was placed under house arrest with the UN peacekeepers as his guards. The arrest of Lumumba resulted in the emergence of another rebel government in Stanleyville by Antoine Gizenga in November of 1960.

Belgium deployed its troops to the DRC during the Crisis. Belgium backed secessionist leader Moise Kapenda Tshombe of the Katanga province

Lumumba’s removal allowed for the negotiation of a truce between the central Congolese government and the Katanga secessionists.

Patrice Lumumba, with the help of his loyalist, escaped house arrest and fled to the rebel-backed Stanleyville. Unfortunately, he was captured on December 1, 1960, and taken to the capital, Léopoldville.

The Soviet Union petitioned the United Nations Security Council for Lumumba’s release and immediate restoration as the Prime Minister. The Soviets also called on Mobutu’s troops to disarm. The petition was voted 8 against and 2 in favor.

Assassination of Patrice Lumumba

Following the resolution, Lumumba was tortured and taken to Katanga, where he was handed over to Tshombe’s forces and was executed on 17 January 1961.

News of Lumumba’s execution was met with outcry and protest in major cities like New York and London, and the Belgium embassies in Yugoslavia and Belgrade were attacked.

Cease-fire negotiations and the death of Hammarskjöld

The battle to end the secession of Katanga province continued despite the execution of Lumumba because the re-appointed president Kasa-Vubu and Moïse Tshombe could not reach an agreement. In September 1961 some UN peacekeepers were kidnapped by Katangese forces and held prisoners.

The then-UN secretary Dag Hammarskjöld decided to fly to Congo to broker a cease-fire between the two factions and effect the release of the peacekeepers. Unfortunately, the plane carrying the UN secretary and his delegates crashed, killing all onboard.

Dag Hammarskjöld was the Secretary-General of the United Nations from 10 April 1953 – 18 September 1961, when he died. The top UN official was en route to the DRC to broker peace in the country when his crashed, killing all of the 15 other passengers. Dag Hammarskjöld was posthumously honored with the Nobel Peace Prize, making him the only person to receive the prize after dying.

Secretary-General U Thant, Hammarskjöld’s successor, ordered the UN troops to step up its efforts. Ultimately, the captured peacekeepers were released in October. The UN troops launched an offensive with the Congolese army and took over regions of the Katanga province.

By January 1963, Moïse Tshombe had surrendered and fled the country. This resulted in the end of the war between the central government and the Katangese secessionists.

The Simba Rebellion

After the end of the conflict, President Kasa-Vubu appointed the exiled former leader of Katanga province Moïse Tshombe interim Prime Minister. However, this did little to quell the discontentment among the Congolese. There were agitations by Lumumba loyalists spearheaded by Pierre Mulele, which led to the Kwilu Rebellion of 1964. Soon the rebellion, which was termed the Simba Rebellion, spread to western Congo. The fighters called themselves “Simbas”, meaning lions.

Simba rebels, who were primarily comprised uneducated young men, sought to overthrow the central Congolese government not because they were loyal to Lumumba but because they wanted better opportunities for themselves. With the backing of the Soviet Union and China, the rebels founded a new state called the People’s Republic of the Congo, and trade unionist Christophe Gbenye was voted president.

The two years’ long rebellion led to the death of thousands of lives, including westerners. It is important to state the Simba rebellion was not totally crushed, pockets of resistance were still operated in the 1980s and into the 1990s by former president Laurent-Désiré Kabila.

The new state was also supported by Tanzania and Cuba, who supplied the rebels with 100 troops led by Che Guevara . The Simbas gained ground initially but were soon met with opposition from the Congolese Army and mercenaries who fought for Tshombe.

Desperate for global attention, the Simbas kidnapped and held over 500 Belgians hostage. This move by the rebels turned out to be a huge mistake because this prompted the Belgium government to send their troops to recover the hostages. The majority of the hostages were evacuated, about 75 of the rebels lost their lives, and a thousand civilians lost perished as well.

End of the Congo Crisis

Following the suppression of the rebellions, elections were held in March 1965, but once again due to political differences and ethnicity, there was a deadlock between Tshombe’s party and President Kasa-Vubu. Instead of compromising Kasa-Vubu sacked Tshombe as Prime Minister and appointed Évariste Kimba; once again, history was repeating itself.

Army leader Mobutu launched a second bloodless coup in November 1965, but this time, he consolidated power for himself, promising to restore power to a democratically elected government in five years but he never did.

Joseph-Désiré Mobutu (1930-1997) ended up ruling Congo following the crisis. He was the Chief of Staff of the Congolese Army who masterminded the overthrow of nationalist Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba in 1965. Mobutu ruled the country with iron fist from 1965 to 1997

The office of the prime minister as well as parliament was abolished and the DRC was plunged into decades of kleptocracy and autocracy from 1965 to 1997, when Mobutu was finally deposed.

Effects of the Congo Crisis

The crisis, which lasted from 1960 to 1964, resulted in the deaths of more than 95,00 people, most notable among those people was Patrice Lumumba, the first Prime Minister of Congo. The crisis also claimed the life of Dag Hammarskjöld, a senior UN official who was trying to broker peace between the warring sides. Hammarskjöld lost his life when the plane he was flying on crashed.

The scars of the Congo Crisis run deep because it has resulted in years of ethnic unrest in the Congo, especially among the Luba people of the south-central region. There was a rise in insurrection from the 1970s to the 1990s.
There is this palpable feeling among many Congolese that the Congo Crisis was never truly resolved and the murder of Patrice Lumumba set the nation into a period of darkness and hardship.
The first major crisis in sub-Saharan Africa had a ripple effect on other African countries in the 1960s, including the Chadian Civil War and the Nigerian Civil War .

Did you know?

It is important to note that in 2002 the Belgium government apologized for its role in the arrest and execution of Patrice Lumumba. The golden tooth of Patrice Lumumba was returned to his family by the Belgium government in June 2022. The former leader was also given a state funeral by the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

One wonders if the call for independence in the Republic of Congo was premature; did the country need more time to understudy its colonial master? Were the superpowers really to blame for this conflict, or was it caused by the sheer diverse nature of the country, a feature that should be a strength, but unfortunately worked against Congo? No matter your stance, we all agree that the Congo Civil War without a shred of doubt was one of the darkest periods of the central African country, and the ghost of the crisis continues to haunt Congolese even to this day.

Frequently Asked Questions about the Congo Crisis

The Congo Crisis was a period of political upheaval and conflict from 1960 to 1965 in the Republic of the Congo, following its independence from Belgium.

Here’s what you need to know:

Why did the Congo Crisis happen?

The crisis was a result of a combination of factors, including rapid decolonization, internal power struggles, regional secessionist movements, Cold War geopolitics, and interventions by foreign powers.

Who was Patrice Lumumba?

Patrice Lumumba was the first Prime Minister of independent Congo, known for his nationalist and pan-African views. He was controversially dismissed from his position, arrested, and eventually assassinated.

Why did Katanga secede?

Katanga, under the leadership of Moise Tshombe and with the backing of Belgian business interests, declared independence to maintain control over the province’s significant mineral wealth, especially its copper mines.

What was the role of the United Nations during the crisis?

The UN sent peacekeeping troops to restore order, prevent civil war, and oversee the removal of Belgian troops. However, their mandate was limited, leading to criticism from various parties.

How did the crisis end?

The crisis concluded with Mobutu Sese Seko’s military coup in 1965. He then established a one-party state and ruled for over three decades.

Did foreign powers play a role in the crisis?

Yes. Belgium, the United States, and the Soviet Union were involved either directly or indirectly, driven by economic interests and Cold War politics.

What was the impact of Lumumba’s assassination?

Lumumba’s death intensified the crisis and remains controversial. It symbolized the challenges faced by post-colonial African leaders and the extent of foreign intervention in African affairs.

Who were the Simba rebels?

The Simba rebels were leftist insurgents who supported Lumumba’s vision and started a rebellion in 1964. They posed a significant threat to the central government and captured large parts of the country.

What were the long-term effects of the Congo Crisis on the country?

The Congo Crisis set a precedent for political instability, ethnic conflicts, and a legacy of foreign intervention in the DRC. Mobutu’s long rule saw authoritarianism, economic mismanagement, and corruption.

Why is the Congo Crisis significant in world history?

The crisis exemplifies the challenges of decolonization, the role of superpowers in post-colonial states, and the complexities of African politics in the wake of independence.

Did the Congo Crisis relate to the Cold War?

Yes. The Cold War dynamics played out in the Congo, with the U.S. and the Soviet Union supporting different factions. Lumumba’s perceived leftist leanings led to Western apprehensions, while the U.S. supported anti-communist leaders like Mobutu.

Tags: Democratic Republic of the Congo Mobutu Sese Seko Patrice Lumumba The Congo Crisis

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Beyond Intractability

The Hyper-Polarization Challenge to the Conflict Resolution Field We invite you to participate in an online exploration of what those with conflict and peacebuilding expertise can do to help defend liberal democracies and encourage them live up to their ideals.

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Alex Chestnut

Introduction

The First and Second Congo Wars from 1996-1997 and 1998-2003 respectively, have often been considered by historians to be Sub-Saharan Africa’s World Wars. These conflicts have had repercussions on The Democratic Republic of the Congo such that it has not yet fully recovered in the modern era. Each of these respective conflicts experienced sweeping peace agreements with large international participation, and each peace agreement subsequently ended in failure. The Democratic Republic of the Congo is Sub-Saharan Africa’s largest geographic country with the most significant deposits of natural resources in the region, yet it ranks 52 nd out of 54 countries in GDP per Capita by the International Monetary Fund’s annual World Economic Outlook. [1] In addition, the country maintains one of the lowest Freedom House scores in both political rights and civil liberties. [2] Analyzing these peace agreements in conjunction with unique factors to the DRC such as; brutal colonialism, ethnic fracture, and corruption, can provide insight into areas of success and causation of failure in these conflicts.

Colonialism’s Lasting effects on Peace and Stability

It is essential to ground any discussion of modern history in the DRC on study of colonial rule and the vast generational repercussions it placed on the society. Belgian rule of the Congo was markedly brutal leaving deep scars upon the society. Belgium, and its King Leopold II, viciously abused Congolese people creating a society of slavery where the populace was afraid to oppose his role. [3] Leopold believed he could unite the Congo which was deeply divided between Catholic and secular ideologies through French and Flemish traditions including forced language transition. [4] He created a private military group known as the Force Publique which terrorized Congolese laborers forcing extraction of resources. The Force Publique is known to have killed or tortured the families of workers to instill enough fear suppressing any inklings of rebellion. [5]

Belgium ruled the Congo as its official African colony from 1908 until it finally gained independence in 1960. In the latter half of its rule, Belgium instituted policies of urbanization, economic development, educational reform, and an expanded healthcare system.4 However, the colony was still designed to generate wealth for its colonizer leading to forced labor and exploitation.

The Congo experienced 83 years of direct colonial rule which has formed deep transgenerational trauma that exists to this day. Generational trauma is the theory a society or group of people can inherit the pain and suffering of their ancestors subsequently internalizing emotional attachments and generating psychological identity to their ancestor’s trauma. [6] Analysis of modern day conflicts in this region must utilize this theoretical concept to interpret some level of causation. It is evident that decades after the fall of colonial rule, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its people still harbor emotionally traumatic experiences and real societal scars from occupation. Crisis of identity permeates throughout all levels of the society, leading Congolese peoples to turn to violence multiple times throughout history as they lack proper recourse to repair their cultural traditions.

Zaire and Mobutu

The Belgian-Congo officially gained independence on June 30, 1960, declaring itself the Republic of the Congo and holding democratic elections. Patrice Lumumba was elected as the first Prime Minister of the newly independent nation and Joseph Kasa-Vubu was elected President. However, political chaos quickly ensued later known as the Congo Crisis. This constituted a five-year period from 1960-1965 of political instability and civil wars within the country that saw the nation divided into three parts. Kasa-Vubu led the most powerful political party Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO) and quickly dismissed Lumumba from his position as Prime Minister to gain power. This chaos allowed Joseph Mobutu who had been declared the head of the Army by Lumumba to forcibly remove Lumumba from office where he was subsequently executed in 1961 by an American and Belgian backed execution squad of Belgian nationals. Utilizing the resulting power struggle between Tshombe and Kasa-Vubu, Mobutu instituted a coup resulting in his sole leadership. [7] It is important to note that this power struggle was a proxy-war between the United States and the Soviet Union in the Cold War, with further foreign influence and destabilization efforts on both sides. [8]

Mobutu renamed the country to the Republic of Zaire in 1971. His rule was initially met with widespread support as he generated peace and stability for the newly formed nation. The stability and African nationalism of Mobutu’s regime veiled the severe corruption, widespread human rights violations, political repression, and rampant clientelism that defined his rule. [9] Mobutu faced immense amounts of pressure internally in the 1990s which ultimately forced him to flee the country during the First Congo War in 1997.

Mobutu’s regime is synonymous with corruption, becoming an illustrative example of a trend that has swept through sub-Saharan Africa in subsequent years. Corruption, cronyism, and clientelism were so widespread during this period that their effects have destabilized the state in modern times. While the subsequent wars are the result of a variety of factors, it is undeniable that the extreme corruption of the Mobutu regime created a country which was perfectly situated to experience violent conflict and massive societal upheaval.

Rwandan Genocide

War may have always been brewing in The Congo, but the aftermath of the Rwandan Genocide acted as the official powder keg to spark the conflict. The civil war saw the Tutsi and Hutu ethnic groups engage in a four-year long struggle for control of Rwanda. Extremist factions in the Hutu government eventually gained power and enacted a genocide against Tutsi, Twa, and moderate Hutu in the country. Approximately 500,000 to 1 million people were slaughtered by the Hutu in just 100 days from April 7 th , 1994 to July 15 th , 1994. The Rwandan government quickly collapsed following the genocide as the Tutsi RPF forces won the Civil War by July of 1994. [10]

The victorious RPF formed a government ousting the Hutu and declaring intent to persecute those responsible for the genocide. By 1996 approximately two million Hutu’s had poured into The Congo fleeing repercussions of the War. They set up refugee camps along the border that housed hundreds of thousands of Hutus. [11] These camps were effectively controlled by the former Hutu regime and military including those who had orchestrated the genocide. These individuals plotted a return to power in Rwanda and a re-ignition of conflict. Zaire provided support and sanctuary to these leaders and by 1996 Hutu military forces were launching steady attacks on Rwanda.

The resulting wars known as the First and Second Congo Wars, or “Africa’s World War” are directly correlated with ethnic tensions that had been brewing for generations in the region. Deep hatred between Hutu and Tutsi exploded into all-out war pitting nine countries and numerous rebel groups against one another in brutal, often chaotic, combat from 1996-2003. Unweaving this complex web of alliances, ethnic groups, and political objectives can provide significant insight into the successes and failures of the resulting peace agreements in both conflicts.

First Congo War

In 1996 with support from Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi, Laurent Kabila led anti-Mobutu forces in capturing large swaths of territory in Eastern Zaire. During this march, Rwandan forces massacred an estimated 200,000 Hutu refugees. [12]

Kabila’s AFDL (Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo) acted as the figurehead for this conflict, but the war was ultimately of Rwanda and Uganda’s making. Zaire proved too weak to oppose the alliance of AFDL, Rwanda and Uganda who took the capital of Kinshasa in 1997, as Mobutu fled the country. Kabila declared himself President in May of 1997, changing the name of the nation from Zaire to the Democratic Republic of the Congo and violently cracking down on opposition. [13]

Second Congo War

Regional alliances collapsed in 1998 as Kabila ousted Rwandan and Ugandan military allies whom he had relied upon to retake The Congo just a year earlier. Kabila turned away from his Tutsi allies, closely embracing the Hutu who are a smaller ethnic subgroup of the larger Bantu speaking peoples who make up an estimated 80% of the DRC. [14] Rwanda subsequently provided military support to the Banyamulenge Tutsi a small ethnic group in Eastern Congo, utilizing ethnic tensions in the region to invade the country. Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi subsequently launched a successful offensive into The DRC capturing large areas of land in the eastern part of the Country. [15]

The DRC allied itself with Zimbabwe, Namibia, Chad, Angola, and Sudan, as well as Anti-Ugandan and Anti-Rwandan militias such as the LRA or Lord’s Resistance Army and FDLR or Democratic Forces for Liberation of Rwanda. A chaotic conflict ensued; with rebel groups often splintering and switching sides as a brutal guerrilla war continued for five years with mass atrocities across the conflict. [16]

Peace Agreements

The UN subsequently responded by facilitating the development and implementation of four peace agreements. The Lusaka Agreement created the first brief ceasefire in 1999 and was built upon following the end of the War in 2003. The Sun City Agreement, signed in April of 2002, provided a framework for governance in the Democratic Republic of the Congo formalizing democratic institutions and elections. [17] The Pretoria Accords signed July of 2002 subsequently created the first peace deal between Rwanda and the DRC, requiring dismantling of Hutu militias and the Rwandan withdrawal from the DRC. [18] Finally, the Luanda Agreement signed in September of 2002 created peace between Uganda and the DRC as Uganda agreed to also withdraw troops from the DRC. [19]

These peace agreements formalized an end to the conflict but have not resulted in the end of violence. While the State actors no longer engage in direct conflict Rwanda, Uganda, and the DRC all are actively backing rebel groups who continue the fight to this day. In addition, in 2002 just months after peace agreements were formalized, an estimated 60-100,000 Bambuti pygmies were massacred by Congolese backed groups. [20]

Lusaka Agreement

The first attempt at peace came in 1999 as the UN sent diplomats who created the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement which was signed by the 6 major warring nation states in the region. The UN then deployed 5,000 peacekeeping troops to monitor the ceasefire agreement. However, a large flaw quickly appeared in this agreement as they did not account for the rebel groups who continued the conflict as they were not given a seat at the negotiating table. [21]

Terms of the cease-fire as addressed in the executive summary are: “cessation of hostilities, establishment of a joint military commission (JMC) comprising representatives of the belligerents, withdrawal of foreign groups, disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating of combatants, release of prisoners and hostages, re-establishment of government administration and the selection of a mediator to facilitate an all-inclusive inter-Congolese dialogue. The agreement also calls for the deployment of a UN peacekeeping force to monitor the ceasefire, investigate violations with the JMC and disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate armed groups.” [22]

Critics of the cease-fire often cite the slow deployment of peacekeeping forces and corruption of Laurent Kabila as the key elements that prevented the successful cessation of the conflict. The terms of the agreement are quite effective in de-militarizing and preventing continued conflict. If this agreement were to have been implemented successfully it could have paused hostilities potentially saving thousands of lives and allowing time for conflict practitioners to work towards a long-standing agreement.

Laurent Kabila’s assassination opened the door for renewed interest in the Lusaka Agreement as peacemakers believed his son Joseph Kabila was amenable to the terms and provisions. [23] They alleged Laurent Kabila felt threatened by the Lusaka Agreement as it would destroy his power over the country. [24] The international body failed to address the ethnically driven nature of the conflict as they singularly focused on the political elite. The Lusaka Agreement is the first to demonstrate the clear lack of understanding on the part of international actors in accepting the fractured nature to such a conflict as they instead chose to apply practices of mediation that are acceptable in other less fragmented parts of the world. Peace attempts in this conflict display a trend of lack of comprehension for the unique challenges posed by a large-scale conflict in the Congo region.

Unfortunately, this agreement did not address any of the primary factors that led to conflict and the continuation of hostilities. This was clearly a strategic choice as the international community believe that a pause would give them time to prevent the re-ignition of war, but ultimately history has shown that concrete efforts to address the root causes were required to develop an effective cease-fire. In a war such as this, all sides must be included in a peace process or else it will ultimately end in failure. The UN’s oversight in excluding rebels from the peace process, combined with the weak provision of the Agreement itself, lead to the ultimate continuation of conflict.

The Sun City Agreement

The Sun City agreement is unique in that it set forth to unite conflicting elements within The DRC by creating a unified government. The provisions of this agreement sought to create a positive and transformative political climate for a country that had experienced massive political upheaval over multiple decades. The ensuing negotiations were designed to facilitate dialogue within the country and create an effective democratic system. This has ultimately failed as the Democratic Republic of the Congo continues to be one of the worst offenders on personal and political rights in Africa.

This agreement as its provisions were rather simplistic and designed to transition a conflict-government to a stable post-conflict State. It contained three articles designed to coalesce the fragmented political parties in the Congo which included; re-enforcing the provisions of the Lusaka Agreement, institution of a transitional government, and acknowledgement of the international community’s role in the peace process. [25] While the agreement contained 36 additional adopted resolutions by the parties involved, these all seek to support the three articles contained in the document. The resolutions are far more encompassing in their scope and nature; however, the problem lies with the overarching guidelines of the agreement. The political fragmentation in the DRC included parties backed by rival State actors, extremists, corporations, ethnic groups, and criminal enterprises. In simply instructing these parties to form a government and follow the Lusaka Agreement, the UN failed in its responsibility as mediator to institute sweeping political change. The agreement reads as more of a pat on the back for their effort than a document seeking to formalize a post-conflict State.

Freedom House provides an extremely effective in country report of a State’s political rights and civil liberties. It ultimately assigns a score out of 100 based upon these factors. In its 2019 Freedom in the World Report the organization provided the DRC a score of 15/100. [26] This is one of the lowest scores in their report proving that the Sun City agreement was ultimately ineffective in establishing lasting democratic institutions with political and civil liberties. The Sun City agreement proved to be far too simplistic for the complex and chaotic nature of political realities in the DRC.

A successful agreement would have assigned concrete political procedures and democratic election protocols, quickly enacting these upon the conclusion of the Second War. Instead of simply re-affirming a past agreement and suggesting transitional democratic elections, the UN should have instituted strict rules to be enforced by a multi-national coalition of democracies and regional states. Fight for political power was a core factor that lead to both Congolese Wars. In failing to properly address the inevitable political power grab that would develop following the end of the War, the UN failed to develop an effective agreement. The Sun City agreement has very few redeemable qualities when examined.

Pretoria Accords and Luanda Agreement

The Pretoria Accords set forth to create a permanent peace agreement between Rebel groups and the DRC. Similarly, the Luanda agreement intended to establish permanent peace between Uganda and the DRC. These agreements have both been successful in preventing formalized combat and are held in high regard amongst foreign governments and institutions such as the United Nations. They are heralded as successful peace processes that ended the conflict ushered in peace across the sub-continent. However, while the successes of these peace processes should be studied and built upon, they did not completely solidify an end to conflict in the region. Each agreement lacked concrete provisions to enforce peace, allowing for continued violence across the country. The DRC has since devolved into a proxy for multiple conflicting parties utilizing non-state actors to continue the conflict over ethnic and resource-based grievances. However, it has not resumed full-scale war proving the limited success of both agreements.

Pretoria Accords

The Pretoria Accords or Global and Inclusive Agreement on Transition in the Democratic Republic of Congo as it is tilted by the UN sought to “provide a power-sharing formula and transitional arrangements until elections are held” but was really the driving force behind peace between the DRC and Rwanda. Participants in the agreement included; the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD), the Movement for the Liberation of the Congo (MLC), the Congolese Rally for Democracy/Liberation/National Movement (RDC/ML), the Mai-Mai, and civil society. Interestingly this agreement included the DRC as the only State actor with rebel groups linked to Rwanda, Uganda, and the DRC itself, representing the other parties. Provisions contained within set forth to; end hostilities, formulate transition objectives, implement institutions, set the powers of the three branches of government, and create a military council including all rebel groups. [27]

The Pretoria Accords most successful element was the inclusion of non-state actors involved in the conflict. International peace agreements often exclude non-state actors leading to continued feeling of otherizing for those groups justifying further violence. In his book Making Peace Last, Robert Ricigliano discusses the extreme frustration in the DRC peace process as “one step forward, two steps back”. He and his team of conflict practitioners examined the feedback loop of the negotiation process determined the failures of peace attempts were; “simply working to strengthen the national level negotiations” they discovered that “the real driving force was regional sub-conflict”. [28] This analysis by an expert in the field of sustainable peacebuilding displays the essential nature of focusing on the regional conflicts within the larger War when implementing peace. The Pretoria Accords, while still having flaws, should be built upon as it is the only peace process to focus on these regional conflicts and ensure the participation of all groups involved. The UN made some very successful choices in this process which if expanded in other processes, could have resulted in maintainable peace that works within a systematic peacebuilding process.

If the Accords included a peace process between the States of the DRC and Rwanda, it could have potentially secured peace between these nations. In 2012 the rebel group M23 seized the regional capital of Goma. A subsequent U.S. House of Representative’s Committee on Foreign Affairs investigation in 2015 determined Rwanda had directly controlled the group. [29] This is clear evidence that Rwanda and the DRC continue a proxy war in Eastern Congo that the Pretoria Accords did little to quell. The Peace process may have halted the currently active rebel groups in 2003, however the modern States have continued to sponsor and control new fighting forces as a Cold War-esque conflict exists in the country. The Pretoria process somewhat stemmed the tide of violence between non-state actors but lead to the continuation of the proxy war.

Luanda Agreement

In direct contradiction to the focus of regional conflicts in the Pretoria Accords, the Luanda Agreement focused entirely on peace between the DRC and Uganda. The peace deal included; withdrawal of Ugandan troops from the DRC, state sovereignty, diplomatic cooperation, and social/economic cooperation between nations. [30] This peace process similarly to the Pretoria Accords, is looked upon favorably by the international community as a successful deal that ensured regional peace and stability. It is the direct cause of the cessation of violence between the DRC and Uganda which had been ongoing for decades. The deal certainly has had resounding successes in peace between States but has proved unsuccessful in the regional conflicts around the border between the two nations.

The agreement suffers from the exact opposite successes and failures of the Pretoria Accords; in that it excluded non-State actors leading to continued violence but simultaneously included State actors successfully implementing national peace. Uganda continues to secretly sponsor and control rebel groups in Eastern Congo, but to a lesser degree than Rwanda.

The combined lessons learned in both the Luanda and Pretoria agreements could have been built upon to establish lasting peace between nations and non-state actors. The UN and other foreign conflict practitioners should have formatted each agreement to include the formalized States involved in the conflict, as well as every rebel group.

Future Conflict Resolution

Successes in the peace process in the DRC have been few and far between. The two major successes in the aforementioned peace deals were; the end to formalized State on State conflict in the region, and the engagement of non-state actors in the peace process. However, even these successes are challenged by events in recent years where violence continues to rage on in the eastern part of the country. Future peace deals will need to be massive enterprises tackling the largest issues present in the country and surrounding regions. There needs to be a targeted effort by the international community and the DRC, Rwanda, and Uganda to acknowledge and address the main problems facing each nation to reach a reasonable stage of peace. It is nearly impossible to create an effective peace deal that will solve these issues, however, outlining them creates the possibility to analyze and construct a systematic process to start progress towards this goal.

Corruption and Resource Plundering

The largest intractable source of conflict in the region continues to be the fight for the rich natural resources of the Congo. This has led to the Democratic Republic of the Congo becoming one of the world’s most corrupt states with the leaders in political and military positions trading their power for payoffs. The excellent documentary Virunga which premiered in 2014 provides unparalleled on the ground insight into this problem. The documentary displays evidence of foreign oil companies, mainly SOCO International, plundering Eastern Congo for-profits. The company pays off any corruptible officials that get in their way while simultaneously funding and sponsoring rebel groups to enact violence and instability. They also allegedly attempt to assassinate individuals who get in their way such as Virunga National Park Chief Warden Emmanuel de Merode who was shot in an assassination attempt in 2014. It has also become clear that corporations continue to provide financial support to rebel groups when it suits their interests. SOCO officials are secretly filmed bribing and mentioning illegal acts, while simultaneously supporting the racist neocolonial position that foreign entities should rule over the region. [31] The corporation in the documentary illustrates a microcosm of a greater problem of resource stealing and corruption in the country. Recently this has transformed into state-sponsored resource extraction by entities linked to China who trade the rich resources in the country for economic support projects such as infrastructure.

The film outlines just one region and the natural resource present there. The Congo is so rich in natural resources that it contains various elements desired by foreign entities. These include; precious metals such as diamonds, rare minerals needed in modern technology, and fossil fuels such as oil and gas. Foreign companies and states care little for peace and stability in the region seeking only to extract these resources for profit. Simultaneously many Congolese officials hold immense amounts of power and are easily corruptible leading to the perfect storm of payoffs and bribery. Successful and sustainable peace in the Congo requires these foreign companies to be held accountable for their illegal actions while simultaneously allowing the Congolese people to benefit from the economic prosperity obtainable in the resources and the protection of natural environments where they lie. This would require comprehensive internal and external oversight and the willingness of the UN or other international bodies to prosecute large powerful corporations in international court. The DRC is experiencing cold colonialism as corporate and State entities enact similar policies to Belgian rule in the early 1900s. This is much more difficult to contend with as these groups hide their involvement well but must be countered if there is a reasonable expectation of peace development.

Good Governance and the Rule of Law

The DRC currently lacks comprehensive governance and would need to change for stability and peace. The UN defines eight characteristics leading to good governance in a democratic system including; “it is participatory, consensus oriented, accountable, transparent, responsive, effective/efficient, equitable/inclusive and follows the rule of law”. [32] effective peace deals must to build upon the provisions in the Lusaka agreement to transition the DRC into a stable democracy that contains the listed elements. It must restructure its system to focus on de-centralized local political jurisdictions within a greater centralized national system. Starting small in this way at the local level will allow for the facilitation of dialogue and democratic processes that lead to greater participation and accountability in the country. The DRC must also make transparency a key priority to eliminate corruption as mentioned in the previous section.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the Congo must institute a strict and comprehensive legal code that holds all citizens accountable for their actions. The first step in this process should be to institute a universal code of human rights which the country currently lacks. Without this, any legal constitutions would be invalid as individuals can continue violent action disregarding basic human rights. Transition into such a system must begin at the local level as authorities across the country are given leeway to enforce basic laws. This would then ideally transition to the greater legal system, which could institute comprehensive criminal prosecution and a standard legal code. It is important to mention that this legal system must encompass all citizens of the DRC as it is easy for the country to continue systems of corruption, nepotism, and clientelism within a loose legal framework.

In recent years democracy has come under heavy criticism from outside sources who claim that it can lead to continued violence due to its complex and often slow nature. Articles such as: Liberal Peace and Peace-Building: Another Critique [33] and Across the Globe, a Growing Disillusionment With Democracy [34] , outline this concept in detail. It is important to note that polls suggest citizens in the DRC still overwhelmingly support democracy, but this may change with a little substantial transformation in coming years. With the rising influence of China, a more authoritarian, potentially communist, ideology may develop in the country. This is certainly not ideal but would likely lead to faster progress in development and economic stability. The more enticing prospect for the Congo is that they utilize their unique strengths and challenges to develop a new system of governance similar to democracy but that is superior in solving the need for rapid growth and development, while respective of the fragmented ethnocultural society in the country. Such a governmental system is difficult to conceptualize and would require the local citizenry’s unique perspectives and expertise to develop. The international community could help guide the country in this regard but could not overtly control the process as it would need to organically develop.

Ethnic Tension

The current trajectory of best practice in the field of Conflict Analysis points towards the idea that competing ethnic groups often engage in conflict due to their “otherizing” of their opponents. These groups form around similarities in socio-cultural practices creating ethnic tenants which when challenged result in conflict. Utilizing psycho-social study, practitioners have often attempted to understand the complex web of relationships that form social groups in order to combat inevitable violence between them. [35] This however has been challenged recently by some practitioners who through study of post-conflict societies discovered a distinct lack of otherizing in conflict. Gearoid Millar describes this a 2012 study of Sierra Leona where former combatants viewed each other as brothers or friends rather than the “other”. [36] It is essential to conduct full studies into the many ethnic groups involved in this conflict to determine their unique psycho-social relationships to one another. Strategies for attempting resolution cannot be suggested and employed until practitioners hold a clearer understanding of this element of the conflict.

Programs and policies must furthermore be constructed to stop retaliation, while addressing the wrongs committed in the conflict. It is important to balance the desire for retribution with forgiveness to build a future societal structure around positive elements of the competing ethnic groups, minimizing the differences that lead to violence. John Paul Lederach stresses the importance of this balance and building relationships through reconciliation by identifying opposing seemingly incompatible ideas, allowing those ideas space to exist, and embracing them. He additionally stresses the importance of truth and justice in this process as he describes “Mercy alone is superficial. It covers up. It moves on too quickly”. [37] Justice cannot exist without mercy however; the ethnic groups will ultimately need to move past their tensions and forgive one another.

This process is difficult to implement. It will take years of hard work and effort on the part of international peace actors, local communities, and governmental institutions; however, it is possible to unify the competing ethnic groups into a stable societal structure that can transcend the conflict between them. It is equally important to remember the rural ethnic groups such as the pygmy people in this process as they cannot be subjected to further ethnic cleansing or hatred by the larger groups within the country.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo presents one of the most challenging post-conflict peace processes in the world. The country’s complex web of political, societal, ethnic, and economic differences creates an extremely fragmented culture with justifiable cause for continued violence by its many groups. The challenges presented here do not cover the full breadth of intricacies involved in this conflict, but they do represent the largest causes of intractable conflict in the region. With the correct application of new policies, building upon the successes in the peace accords that have come before, and the implementation of some of the suggestions mentioned in this article, it is reasonable to assume the DRC could become a champion of peaceful transition in Africa.

Works Cited

Agreement between the DRC and Uganda on withdrawal of Ugandan Troops, Cooperation and Normalization of Relations between the two countries (Luanda Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda, September 2002, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-luandaagreement2002

Ceasefire Agreement (Lusaka Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1999, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-lusaka-agreement99

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: A LONG-STANDING CRISIS SPINNING OUT OF CONTROL. (1998). Amnesty International , Index number: AFR 62/033/1998.

Foa R., & Mounk Y., (September 2015) Across the Globe a Growing Disillusionment with Democracy, The New York Times. Retrieved from: https://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/15/opinion/across-the-globe-a-growing d...

Freedom House (January, 2019). The Democratic Republic of the Congo Country Report, Freedom in the World 2019

GANN, L., & Duignan, P. (1979). THE FORCE PUBLIQUE. In The Rulers of Belgian Africa,1884-1914 (pp. 52-84). Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctt13x17wv.9

Gerard, E., & Kuklick, B. (2015). The Congo of the Belgians. In Death in the Congo: Murdering Patrice Lumumba (pp. 5-18). Cambridge, Massachusetts; London, England: Harvard University Press. Retrieved April 22, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt21pxknd.7

Global and Inclusive Agreement on Transition in the Democratic Republic of Congo (Pretoria Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo, July 2002, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-agreementontransition2002

Lederach, J. P. (1997). Building peace: Sustainable reconciliation in divided societies.Vick, K. (2001, January 23). The Ascendant Son in Congo. The Washington Post. Retrieved from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2001/01/23/the-ascendant... congo/d12ca608-752c-4527-8ecd-cf1388143f17/

Millar, G. (2012). ‘Our brothers who went to the bush’: Post-identity conflict and the experience of reconciliation in Sierra Leone. Journal of Peace Research, 49(5), 717–729. doi:10.1177/0022343312440114

MONUC United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (24 February 2000). Retrieved from: https://peacekeeping.un.org/mission/past/monuc/mandate.shtml

Penketh, A. (2004, July 7). Extermination of the pygmies. The Independent. Retrieved from https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/extermination-of-the-pyg...

Prunier, G. (2014). The Rwanda Crisis History of a Genocide. London: Hurst & Company. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/extermination-of-the-pyg... 552332.html

Rentjens, F. (2009). The Great African War: Congo and Regional Geopolitics, 1996–2006. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511596698

Reyntjens, F. (1999). Briefing: The Second Congo War: More than a Remake. African Affairs,98(391), 241-250. Retrieved April 24, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/723629

Ricigliano, R. (2016). Making peace last: a toolbox for sustainable peacebuilding. London:Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group.

Saideman, S. (2001). Understanding the Congo Crisis, 1960–1963¹. In The Ties That Divide: Ethnic Politics, Foreign Policy, and International Conflict (pp. 36-69). NEW YORK: Columbia University Press. doi:10.7312/said12228.6

Scramble for the Congo Anatomy of an Ugly War. (20 December 2000). International Crisis Group. Retrieved from: https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/central-africa/democratic republic-congo/scramble-congo-anatomy-ugly-war

STANARD, M. (2011). The Inheritance: Leopold II and Propaganda about the Congo. In Selling the Congo: A History of European Pro-Empire Propaganda and the Making of Belgian Imperialism (pp. 27-46). LINCOLN; LONDON: University of Nebraska Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctt1df4g39.7

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS before the COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS, House of Representatives 114th Cong. 1 (2015) (Serial Number 114-113). Retrieved From: https://docs.house.gov/meetings/FA/FA16/20150520/103498/HHRG 114-FA16-Transcript-20150520.pdf

Turner, T. (2001). The Death of Laurent Kabila. Institute for Policy Studies. Retrieved from https://ips-dc.org/the_death_of_laurent_kabila/

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (2000). "Ch. 10: The Rwandan genocide and its aftermath" (PDF). State of the World's Refugees 2000. Retrieved From: https://www.unhcr.org/publ/PUBL/3ebf9bb60.pdf

Virunga. (2014). Directed by Orlando von Einsiedel, Distributed by Netflix

Volkan, V. D. (1997). Blood Lines: From Ethnic Pride to Ethnic Terrorism. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Weissman, S. M. (2014). What Really Happened in Congo? The CIA, the Murder of Lumumba, and the Rise of Mobutu. Foreign Affairs, 93(4). doi: 10.1163/2468 1733_shafr_sim160090032

World Economic Outlook (April 14 th , 2020). Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund, What is Good Governance?, (n.d.) United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. Retrieved from: https://www.unescap.org/sites/default/files/goodgovernance.pdf

Young, C., & Turner, T. (2012). The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State. Madison (Wis.): The University of Wisconsin Press.

Zenonas T. (June, 2012) Liberal Peace and Peace-Building: Another Critique The GW PostResearch Paper retrieved from www.thegwpost.com

[1] World economic Outlook, (April 14 th , 2020). Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund,

[2] Freedom House (January, 2019). Freedom in the World 2019 – PDF

[3] STANARD, M. (2011). The Inheritance: Leopold II and Propaganda about the Congo. In Selling the Congo: AHistory of European Pro-Empire Propaganda and the Making of Belgian Imperialism (pp. 27-46). LINCOLN; LONDON: University of Nebraska Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctt1df4g39.7

[4] Gerard, E., & Kuklick, B. (2015). The Congo of the Belgians. In Death in the Congo: Murdering Patrice Lumumba (pp. 5-18). Cambridge, Massachusetts; London, England: Harvard University Press. Retrieved April 22, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt21pxknd.7

[5] GANN, L., & Duignan, P. (1979). THE FORCE PUBLIQUE. In The Rulers of Belgian Africa, 1884-1914 (pp. 52-84). Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctt13x17wv.9

[6] Volkan, V. D. (1997). Blood Lines: From Ethnic Pride to Ethnic Terrorism. Boulder, CO: Westview.

[7] Saideman, S. (2001). Understanding the Congo Crisis, 1960–1963¹. In The Ties That Divide: Ethnic Politics, Foreign Policy, and International Conflict (pp. 36-69). NEW YORK: Columbia University Press. doi:10.7312/said12228.6

[8] Weissman, S. M. (2014). What Really Happened in Congo? The CIA, the Murder of Lumumba, and the Rise of Mobutu. Foreign Affairs , 93(4). doi: 10.1163/2468-1733_shafr_sim160090032

[9] Young, C., & Turner, T. (2012). The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State. Madison (Wis.): The University of Wisconsin Press.

[10] Prunier, G. (2014). The Rwanda Crisis History of a Genocide. London: Hurst & Company.

[11] United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (2000). "Ch. 10: The Rwandan genocide and its aftermath" (PDF). State of the World's Refugees 2000. Retrieved From: https://www.unhcr.org/publ/PUBL/3ebf9bb60.pdf

[12] DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: A LONG-STANDING CRISIS SPINNING OUT OF CONTROL. (1998). Amnesty International , Index number: AFR 62/033/1998.

[13] Reyntjens, F. (2009). The Great African War: Congo and Regional Geopolitics, 1996–2006. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511596698

[14] The World Factbook: Congo, Democratic Republic of the. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/print_c...

[15] Reyntjens, F. (1999). Briefing: The Second Congo War: More than a Remake. African Affairs, 98(391), 241-250. Retrieved April 24, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/723629

[16] Scramble for the Congo Anatomy of an Ugly War. (20 December 2000). International Crisis Group. Retrieved from https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/central-africa/democratic-republic-co...

[17] Inter-Congolese Negotiations: The Final Act (Sun City Agreement) , The Democratic Republic of the Congo, 02 April 2002, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-suncity-agreement2003

[18] Global and Inclusive Agreement on Transition in the Democratic Republic of Congo (Pretoria Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo, July 2002, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-agreementontransition2002

[19] Agreement between the DRC and Uganda on withdrawal of Ugandan Troops, Cooperation and Normalization of Relations between the two countries (Luanda Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda, September 2002, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-luandaagreement2002

[20] Penketh, A. (2004, July 7). Extermination of the pygmies. The Independent. Retrieved from https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/extermination-of-the-pyg...

[21] MONUC United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (24 February 2000). Retrieved from: https://peacekeeping.un.org/mission/past/monuc/mandate.shtml

[22] Ceasefire Agreement (Lusaka Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1999, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-lusaka-agreement99

[23] Turner, T. (2001). The Death of Laurent Kabila. Institute for Policy Studies. Retrieved from https://ips-dc.org/the_death_of_laurent_kabila/

[24] Vick, K. (2001, January 23). The Ascendant Son in Congo. The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2001/01/23/the-ascendant...

[25] Inter-Congolese Negotiations: The Final Act (Sun City Agreement) , The Democratic Republic of the Congo, 02 April 2002, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-suncity-agreement2003

[26] Freedom House (January, 2019). The Democratic Republic of the Congo Country Report, Freedom in the World 2019

[27] Global and Inclusive Agreement on Transition in the Democratic Republic of Congo (Pretoria Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo, July 2002, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-agreementontransition2002

[28] Ricigliano, R. (2016). Making peace last: a toolbox for sustainable peacebuilding. London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group.

[29] SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS before the COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS, House of Representatives 114th Cong. 1 (2015) (Serial Number 114-113). Retrieved From: https://docs.house.gov/meetings/FA/FA16/20150520/103498/HHRG-114-FA16-Transcript-20150520.pdf

[30] Agreement between the DRC and Uganda on withdrawal of Ugandan Troops, Cooperation and Normalization of Relations between the two countries (Luanda Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda, September 2002, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-luandaagreement2002

[31] Virunga . (2014). Directed by Orlando von Einsiedel, Distributed by Netflix

[32] What is Good Governance?, (n.d.) United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. Retrieved from: https://www.unescap.org/sites/default/files/good-governance.pdf

[33] Zenonas T. (June, 2012) Liberal Peace and Peace-Building: Another Critique The GW Post Research Paper retrieved from www.thegwpost.com

[34] Foa R., & Mounk Y., (September 2015) Across the Globe a Growing Disillusionment with Democracy, The New York Times. Retrieved from: https://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/15/opinion/across-the-globe-a-growing-disillusionment-with-democracy.html

[35] Volkan, V. D. (1997). Blood Lines: From Ethnic Pride to Ethnic Terrorism. p. 19-30 Boulder, CO: Westview.

[36] Millar, G. (2012). ‘Our brothers who went to the bush’: Post-identity conflict and the experience of reconciliation in Sierra Leone. Journal of Peace Research , 49 (5), 717–729. doi: 10.1177/0022343312440114

[37] Lederach, J. P. (1997). Building peace: Sustainable reconciliation in divided societies.

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The Complexity of Congo

To the Editor:

“ With Conrad on the Congo River ,” by Maya Jasanoff (Sunday Review, Aug. 20), presents the Democratic Republic of Congo as an otherworldly and exotic place, objectifying its subjects in a way that reeks of condescension and colonialist attitudes. Ms. Jasanoff does not quote a single Congolese by name.

She claims that in “The Heart of Darkness,” Joseph Conrad “portrayed Africa … as irredeemably backward,” yet her own focus on Congo’s poverty and dysfunction risks repeating the same mistake.

Having traveled extensively in Congo since 1992, I can say that this depiction of Congo shows a limited vision of the modern Democratic Republic of Congo.

Congo is a troubled country that has faced international exploitation because of its wealth of natural resources. Yet it has cities with tall buildings, airports and paved roads. The Congolese people use cellphones and Twitter, and they fight for democracy and oppose oppression from both inside and abroad.

Ms. Jasanoff may be an expert on Joseph Conrad, but she seems to know little about Congo. The article continues the widespread practice of ignoring the voices of Congolese intellectuals, many of whom write about their homeland with nuance.

TIMOTHY LONGMAN, BOSTON

The writer teaches political science and international relations at Boston University and is the author of “Memory and Justice in Post-Genocide Rwanda.”

Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay

Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay for Grade 12 and Grade 11 History.

This page contains an answer guide to the below History Essay Questions (memo):

What were the ideas that influence the independent states Congo and Tanzania?

After attaining independence Congo and Tanzania were faced with economic, social, and political challenges although there were successes that Mobuto and Nyerere gained in trying to improve the living standards for blacks.

Do you agree with this statement? Use appropriate evidence to support your argument.

[Plan and construct an original argument based on relevant evidence using analytical and interpretative skills.]

Candidates should indicate whether or not they agree with the statement and support their answer with relevant historical evidence. Candidates must specifically look at the economic, social and cultural challenges facing both countries after independence.

MAIN ASPECTS

Candidates should include the following aspects in their response:

Introduction: Candidates should critically discuss the successes and challenges facing Tanzania and the Congo with specific reference to their economic, social and political development after gaining independence from colonial rule.

ELABORATION ECONOMY

The Congo and Tanzania inherited a single-product economy from their colonisers.
Tanzania followed a socialistic economic model.
Congo followed a capitalistic model.
Both countries struggled to develop their respective economies.
Nyerere adopted an African Socialism model outlined in the Arusha Declaration which led to the nationalisation of industries and land.
Its aim was to cut ties with Western countries and create self-sufficiency and self- dependency.
Society would be stable and free of economic inequalities.
Mobuto initially nationalised industries using the Zairianisation policy – which involved taking farms and businesses from the foreign owners who were replaced by Congolese.
When it failed due to lack of skills and poor management he adopted a capitalistic model and returned businesses to foreign owners.
Nyerere introduced Villagisation or Ujaama.
A rural community with farming/collective labour.
Lack of tools, water and management skills led to resistance which the police and military forces could not control.
This led to destruction and abandonment of fields.
Tanzania remained the poorest and most underdeveloped country.
Tanzania reduced corruption of government officials through the “Leadership Code”.
Both countries had to accept foreign aid and allow investments which Nyerere initially viewed as neo-colonialism.

SOCIAL CHALLENGES:

Both countries inherited a colonial education system that promoted Eurocentric values
Both countries were challenged by skills shortages; only a few technicians and engineers were available.
Both countries were taught European history and languages, the African content was regarded as inferior and not taught. Tanzania:
Promoted Swahili (local language) over English
Introduced a massive literacy campaign that saw illiteracy drop drastically (from 80% to 20%) between 1961 and 1981
Nyerere produced, ‘Education for Self-Reliance’ (1967) which promoted basic literacy in primary schools in all rural areas. Congo:
Inherited only 14 university graduates
Expanded its higher education system
Increased primary education from 1,6 million to 4,6 million people between 1960 and 1974
Unlike Swahili in Tanzania, French remained the language of instruction in Congo. Africanisation:

Villagisation (Ujamaa) in Tanzania embraced traditional community values based on self-reliance

Zairianisation in Congo replaced experienced Belgian human resources with local people and replaced European names with local names, e.g. Congo to Zaire

POLITICAL ASPECTS

Attaining independence through democratic elections (the Congo 1960) J. Kasavubu became President and P. Lumumba became the prime minister
After holding multi-party elections at independence, the Congo became a one- party state within the first five years after gaining the independence
Mobuto Sese Seko remained as president for life until his death in 2007
Mobuto Sese Seko created a kleptocracy where a group of appointed public officials abused their position for financial gain
Brought back African values
Strong centralised government
Political stability (though based on authoritarianism)
Any other relevant response
Attaining independence through democratic elections (Tanzania 1961: J. Nyerere – amended the constitution to become President (1962)
Smooth transition (peaceful change/racial harmony/commitment to promotion of human equality and dignity
After holding multi-party elections at independence, it became a one-party state
Nyerere remained as president between the 1960s and 1970s
Nyerere introduced the Leadership Code in the Arusha Declaration which demanded high levels of integrity from public officials
African socialism/ Ujamaa was appropriate for inhabitants
Establishment of the United Republic of Tanzania (1964)
Centralised and unitary state
Any other relevant response Conclusion: Candidates should tie up their arguments with relevant conclusions.

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Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay

Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay for Grade 12 and Grade 11 History.

This page contains an answer guide to the below History Essay Questions (memo):

What were the ideas that influence the independent states Congo and Tanzania?

After attaining independence Congo and Tanzania were faced with economic, social, and political challenges although there were successes that Mobuto and Nyerere gained in trying to improve the living standards for blacks.

Do you agree with this statement? Use appropriate evidence to support your argument.

[Plan and construct an original argument based on relevant evidence using analytical and interpretative skills.]

MAIN ASPECTS

Candidates should include the following aspects in their response:

ELABORATION ECONOMY

The Congo and Tanzania inherited a single-product economy from their colonisers.
Tanzania followed a socialistic economic model.
Congo followed a capitalistic model.
Both countries struggled to develop their respective economies.
Nyerere adopted an African Socialism model outlined in the Arusha Declaration which led to the nationalisation of industries and land.
Its aim was to cut ties with Western countries and create self-sufficiency and self- dependency.
Society would be stable and free of economic inequalities.
Mobuto initially nationalised industries using the Zairianisation policy – which involved taking farms and businesses from the foreign owners who were replaced by Congolese.
When it failed due to lack of skills and poor management he adopted a capitalistic model and returned businesses to foreign owners.
Nyerere introduced Villagisation or Ujaama.
A rural community with farming/collective labour.
Lack of tools, water and management skills led to resistance which the police and military forces could not control.
This led to destruction and abandonment of fields.
Tanzania remained the poorest and most underdeveloped country.
Tanzania reduced corruption of government officials through the “Leadership Code”.
Both countries had to accept foreign aid and allow investments which Nyerere initially viewed as neo-colonialism.

SOCIAL CHALLENGES:

Both countries inherited a colonial education system that promoted Eurocentric values
Both countries were challenged by skills shortages; only a few technicians and engineers were available.
Both countries were taught European history and languages, the African content was regarded as inferior and not taught. Tanzania:
Promoted Swahili (local language) over English
Introduced a massive literacy campaign that saw illiteracy drop drastically (from 80% to 20%) between 1961 and 1981
Nyerere produced, ‘Education for Self-Reliance’ (1967) which promoted basic literacy in primary schools in all rural areas. Congo:
Inherited only 14 university graduates
Expanded its higher education system
Increased primary education from 1,6 million to 4,6 million people between 1960 and 1974
Unlike Swahili in Tanzania, French remained the language of instruction in Congo. Africanisation:

Villagisation (Ujamaa) in Tanzania embraced traditional community values based on self-reliance

Zairianisation in Congo replaced experienced Belgian human resources with local people and replaced European names with local names, e.g. Congo to Zaire

POLITICAL ASPECTS

Attaining independence through democratic elections (the Congo 1960) J. Kasavubu became President and P. Lumumba became the prime minister
After holding multi-party elections at independence, the Congo became a one- party state within the first five years after gaining the independence
Mobuto Sese Seko remained as president for life until his death in 2007
Mobuto Sese Seko created a kleptocracy where a group of appointed public officials abused their position for financial gain
Brought back African values
Strong centralised government
Political stability (though based on authoritarianism)
Any other relevant response
Attaining independence through democratic elections (Tanzania 1961: J. Nyerere – amended the constitution to become President (1962)
Smooth transition (peaceful change/racial harmony/commitment to promotion of human equality and dignity
After holding multi-party elections at independence, it became a one-party state
Nyerere remained as president between the 1960s and 1970s
Nyerere introduced the Leadership Code in the Arusha Declaration which demanded high levels of integrity from public officials
African socialism/ Ujamaa was appropriate for inhabitants
Establishment of the United Republic of Tanzania (1964)
Centralised and unitary state
Any other relevant response Conclusion: Candidates should tie up their arguments with relevant conclusions.

Questions and Answers

My Courses has a large Questions and Answers repository for the most popular High School and Tertiary Schools subjects. This comes in handy when doing your revision or preparing for exams, tests, research tasks, and assignments.

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Home — Essay Samples — History — Imperialism — Effects Of Colonialism In Africa: Nigeria And The Congo

Effects of Colonialism in Africa: Nigeria and The Congo

Categories: Imperialism Nigeria

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Published: Jan 28, 2021

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How to conclude an essay | Interactive example

How to Conclude an Essay | Interactive Example

Published on January 24, 2019 by Shona McCombes . Revised on July 23, 2023.

The conclusion is the final paragraph of your essay . A strong conclusion aims to:

Tie together the essay’s main points
Show why your argument matters
Leave the reader with a strong impression

Your conclusion should give a sense of closure and completion to your argument, but also show what new questions or possibilities it has opened up.

This conclusion is taken from our annotated essay example , which discusses the history of the Braille system. Hover over each part to see why it’s effective.

Braille paved the way for dramatic cultural changes in the way blind people were treated and the opportunities available to them. Louis Braille’s innovation was to reimagine existing reading systems from a blind perspective, and the success of this invention required sighted teachers to adapt to their students’ reality instead of the other way around. In this sense, Braille helped drive broader social changes in the status of blindness. New accessibility tools provide practical advantages to those who need them, but they can also change the perspectives and attitudes of those who do not.

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Step 1: return to your thesis, step 2: review your main points, step 3: show why it matters, what shouldn’t go in the conclusion, more examples of essay conclusions, other interesting articles, frequently asked questions about writing an essay conclusion.

To begin your conclusion, signal that the essay is coming to an end by returning to your overall argument.

Don’t just repeat your thesis statement —instead, try to rephrase your argument in a way that shows how it has been developed since the introduction.

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Next, remind the reader of the main points that you used to support your argument.

Avoid simply summarizing each paragraph or repeating each point in order; try to bring your points together in a way that makes the connections between them clear. The conclusion is your final chance to show how all the paragraphs of your essay add up to a coherent whole.

To wrap up your conclusion, zoom out to a broader view of the topic and consider the implications of your argument. For example:

Does it contribute a new understanding of your topic?
Does it raise new questions for future study?
Does it lead to practical suggestions or predictions?
Can it be applied to different contexts?
Can it be connected to a broader debate or theme?

Whatever your essay is about, the conclusion should aim to emphasize the significance of your argument, whether that’s within your academic subject or in the wider world.

Try to end with a strong, decisive sentence, leaving the reader with a lingering sense of interest in your topic.

The easiest way to improve your conclusion is to eliminate these common mistakes.

Don’t include new evidence

Any evidence or analysis that is essential to supporting your thesis statement should appear in the main body of the essay.

The conclusion might include minor pieces of new information—for example, a sentence or two discussing broader implications, or a quotation that nicely summarizes your central point. But it shouldn’t introduce any major new sources or ideas that need further explanation to understand.

Don’t use “concluding phrases”

Avoid using obvious stock phrases to tell the reader what you’re doing:

“In conclusion…”
“To sum up…”

These phrases aren’t forbidden, but they can make your writing sound weak. By returning to your main argument, it will quickly become clear that you are concluding the essay—you shouldn’t have to spell it out.

Don’t undermine your argument

Avoid using apologetic phrases that sound uncertain or confused:

“This is just one approach among many.”
“There are good arguments on both sides of this issue.”
“There is no clear answer to this problem.”

Even if your essay has explored different points of view, your own position should be clear. There may be many possible approaches to the topic, but you want to leave the reader convinced that yours is the best one!

Argumentative
Literary analysis

This conclusion is taken from an argumentative essay about the internet’s impact on education. It acknowledges the opposing arguments while taking a clear, decisive position.

The internet has had a major positive impact on the world of education; occasional pitfalls aside, its value is evident in numerous applications. The future of teaching lies in the possibilities the internet opens up for communication, research, and interactivity. As the popularity of distance learning shows, students value the flexibility and accessibility offered by digital education, and educators should fully embrace these advantages. The internet’s dangers, real and imaginary, have been documented exhaustively by skeptics, but the internet is here to stay; it is time to focus seriously on its potential for good.

This conclusion is taken from a short expository essay that explains the invention of the printing press and its effects on European society. It focuses on giving a clear, concise overview of what was covered in the essay.

The invention of the printing press was important not only in terms of its immediate cultural and economic effects, but also in terms of its major impact on politics and religion across Europe. In the century following the invention of the printing press, the relatively stationary intellectual atmosphere of the Middle Ages gave way to the social upheavals of the Reformation and the Renaissance. A single technological innovation had contributed to the total reshaping of the continent.

This conclusion is taken from a literary analysis essay about Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein . It summarizes what the essay’s analysis achieved and emphasizes its originality.

By tracing the depiction of Frankenstein through the novel’s three volumes, I have demonstrated how the narrative structure shifts our perception of the character. While the Frankenstein of the first volume is depicted as having innocent intentions, the second and third volumes—first in the creature’s accusatory voice, and then in his own voice—increasingly undermine him, causing him to appear alternately ridiculous and vindictive. Far from the one-dimensional villain he is often taken to be, the character of Frankenstein is compelling because of the dynamic narrative frame in which he is placed. In this frame, Frankenstein’s narrative self-presentation responds to the images of him we see from others’ perspectives. This conclusion sheds new light on the novel, foregrounding Shelley’s unique layering of narrative perspectives and its importance for the depiction of character.

If you want to know more about AI tools , college essays , or fallacies make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples or go directly to our tools!

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Your essay’s conclusion should contain:

A rephrased version of your overall thesis
A brief review of the key points you made in the main body
An indication of why your argument matters

The conclusion may also reflect on the broader implications of your argument, showing how your ideas could applied to other contexts or debates.

For a stronger conclusion paragraph, avoid including:

Important evidence or analysis that wasn’t mentioned in the main body
Generic concluding phrases (e.g. “In conclusion…”)
Weak statements that undermine your argument (e.g. “There are good points on both sides of this issue.”)

Your conclusion should leave the reader with a strong, decisive impression of your work.

The conclusion paragraph of an essay is usually shorter than the introduction . As a rule, it shouldn’t take up more than 10–15% of the text.

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If you want to cite this source, you can copy and paste the citation or click the “Cite this Scribbr article” button to automatically add the citation to our free Citation Generator.

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Politics of the Democratic Republic of Congo Essay

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As a template for you assignment

Most observers and political scholars have often attributed the lack of democratization in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to poor leadership. Nevertheless, there are various underlying issues in DRC’s quest for absolute democratization. There is a lot of evidence indicating that the presence of authoritarian regimes in DRC has served as the major impediment to the achievement of democracy (Nzongola-Ntalaja 23).

When the country’s leadership was in the hands of Mobutu Sese Seko and Laurent-Desire Kabila Kabila, there was little semblance of democracy in the DRC. From the 1980s to the early 2000s, the DRC was the scene of intense strife as Mobutu and the Kabilas did all they could to hold on to power. On the other hand, the opposition also failed to steer or inspire the country towards an institutionally solid path of democracy. This report is a critical discussion how Mobutu, the Kabilas, and the opposition failed to implement a democratic political system in the DRC.

Democracy is not a concept that can be implemented from the surface, but it requires to be deeply cultivated from the grassroots. Consequently, “the security and productivity of counties, cantons, or villages constitutes the starting point of a strong state…whereas the general tendency to use these entities only as electoral constituencies, and isolate them immediately after election campaigns” (Anstey 37).

This approach was heavily used by all political stakeholders in DRC including the opposition. Both Mobutu and the senior Kabila were the power unto themselves. The two individuals wielded power on behalf of all other institutions in the country (Koko 34). For instance, Mobutu had the power to issue currency while Kabila banned all other political parties within the DRC. With all their powers, Kabila and Mobutu could use political and state appointments to sanitize all elements of a democratic system in the country.

The opposition’s response to Mobutu and Kabila’s regimes was to use strife to obtain power at any cost. Instead of agitating for institutional systems such as electoral units, the opposition sought to wield power through wars and coup de tats. Consequently, the opposition movements acted as competitors for power with the authoritarian rulers as opposed to being a checking their extravagances (Reno 18). For instance, “the opposition’s armed rebellion led by the Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD) to topple Laurent Kabila clearly demonstrated that its armed opposition was unpopular, clouded with hidden agendas, counter-productive, opportunistic and prone to self-destruction” (Freedman 54).

The nepotism and patrimony that was exhibited by the ruling elite was detrimental to any chances that the opposition had of agitating for democracy. All the major personalities who were at the helm of DRC’s leadership were not accommodative of the country’s quest for democracy (Jaggers and Gurr 472). For example, Mobutu was interested in using the country’s wealth for his personal gain while the Kabila’s were mainly preoccupied with sectarian politics.

Overall, the possibility of a democratic system in the DRC never relied on any single factor but various factors had to align in order for this goal to be achieved. Each of the prevailing leaders considered democracy a threat to their other agendas such as the pursuit for power and their personal agendas. On the other hand, the opposition response to tyranny was to marshal their own instruments of power and obtain leadership by force from Mobutu and the Kabilas. In the end, undemocratic systems became the order of the day as a result of lack of a genuine push for democracy.

Works Cited

Anstey, Mark. “Can a Fledgling Democracy Take Flight in the Democratic Republic of Congo?.” African Journal on Conflict Resolution 6.2 (2007): 35-67. Print.

Freedman, Jane. Gender, Violence and Politics in the Democratic Republic of Congo , London: Ashgate Publishing, 2015. Print.

Jaggers, Keith, and Ted Robert Gurr. “Tracking Democracy’s Third Wave with the Polity III Data.” Journal of Peace Research 32.4 (1995): 469-482. Print.

Koko, Sadiki. “The ‘One-Plus-Four’ formula and Transition in the Democratic Republic of Congo.” African Security Studies 16.1 (2007): 33-47. Print.

Nzongola-Ntalaja, Georges. The Congo: From Leopold to Kabila: A People’s History , London: Zed Books, 2002. Print.

Reno, William. Warlord Politics and African States , Sydney: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1999. Print.

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IvyPanda. (2020, September 24). Politics of the Democratic Republic of Congo. https://ivypanda.com/essays/politics-of-the-democratic-republic-of-congo/

"Politics of the Democratic Republic of Congo." IvyPanda , 24 Sept. 2020, ivypanda.com/essays/politics-of-the-democratic-republic-of-congo/.

IvyPanda . (2020) 'Politics of the Democratic Republic of Congo'. 24 September.

IvyPanda . 2020. "Politics of the Democratic Republic of Congo." September 24, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/politics-of-the-democratic-republic-of-congo/.

1. IvyPanda . "Politics of the Democratic Republic of Congo." September 24, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/politics-of-the-democratic-republic-of-congo/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Politics of the Democratic Republic of Congo." September 24, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/politics-of-the-democratic-republic-of-congo/.

In a short paper—even a research paper—you don’t need to provide an exhaustive summary as part of your conclusion. But you do need to make some kind of transition between your final body paragraph and your concluding paragraph. This may come in the form of a few sentences of summary. Or it may come in the form of a sentence that brings your readers back to your thesis or main idea and reminds your readers where you began and how far you have traveled.

So, for example, in a paper about the relationship between ADHD and rejection sensitivity, Vanessa Roser begins by introducing readers to the fact that researchers have studied the relationship between the two conditions and then provides her explanation of that relationship. Here’s her thesis: “While socialization may indeed be an important factor in RS, I argue that individuals with ADHD may also possess a neurological predisposition to RS that is exacerbated by the differing executive and emotional regulation characteristic of ADHD.”

In her final paragraph, Roser reminds us of where she started by echoing her thesis: “This literature demonstrates that, as with many other conditions, ADHD and RS share a delicately intertwined pattern of neurological similarities that is rooted in the innate biology of an individual’s mind, a connection that cannot be explained in full by the behavioral mediation hypothesis.”

Highlight the “so what”

At the beginning of your paper, you explain to your readers what’s at stake—why they should care about the argument you’re making. In your conclusion, you can bring readers back to those stakes by reminding them why your argument is important in the first place. You can also draft a few sentences that put those stakes into a new or broader context.

In the conclusion to her paper about ADHD and RS, Roser echoes the stakes she established in her introduction—that research into connections between ADHD and RS has led to contradictory results, raising questions about the “behavioral mediation hypothesis.”

She writes, “as with many other conditions, ADHD and RS share a delicately intertwined pattern of neurological similarities that is rooted in the innate biology of an individual’s mind, a connection that cannot be explained in full by the behavioral mediation hypothesis.”

Leave your readers with the “now what”

After the “what” and the “so what,” you should leave your reader with some final thoughts. If you have written a strong introduction, your readers will know why you have been arguing what you have been arguing—and why they should care. And if you’ve made a good case for your thesis, then your readers should be in a position to see things in a new way, understand new questions, or be ready for something that they weren’t ready for before they read your paper.

In her conclusion, Roser offers two “now what” statements. First, she explains that it is important to recognize that the flawed behavioral mediation hypothesis “seems to place a degree of fault on the individual. It implies that individuals with ADHD must have elicited such frequent or intense rejection by virtue of their inadequate social skills, erasing the possibility that they may simply possess a natural sensitivity to emotion.” She then highlights the broader implications for treatment of people with ADHD, noting that recognizing the actual connection between rejection sensitivity and ADHD “has profound implications for understanding how individuals with ADHD might best be treated in educational settings, by counselors, family, peers, or even society as a whole.”

To find your own “now what” for your essay’s conclusion, try asking yourself these questions:

What can my readers now understand, see in a new light, or grapple with that they would not have understood in the same way before reading my paper? Are we a step closer to understanding a larger phenomenon or to understanding why what was at stake is so important?
What questions can I now raise that would not have made sense at the beginning of my paper? Questions for further research? Other ways that this topic could be approached?
Are there other applications for my research? Could my questions be asked about different data in a different context? Could I use my methods to answer a different question?
What action should be taken in light of this argument? What action do I predict will be taken or could lead to a solution?
What larger context might my argument be a part of?

What to avoid in your conclusion

a complete restatement of all that you have said in your paper.
a substantial counterargument that you do not have space to refute; you should introduce counterarguments before your conclusion.
an apology for what you have not said. If you need to explain the scope of your paper, you should do this sooner—but don’t apologize for what you have not discussed in your paper.
fake transitions like “in conclusion” that are followed by sentences that aren’t actually conclusions. (“In conclusion, I have now demonstrated that my thesis is correct.”)
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How To Write a Conclusion for an Essay: Expert Tips and Examples
Severe Problem of Congo
How to type a conclusion paragraph. How to Start a Conclusion Paragraph: 14 Steps (with Pictures
😱 How to use conclude in a sentence. Use conclude in a sentence. 2022-10-16
(PDF) The Congo's Independence Struggle Viewed Fifty Years Later
35 Transition Words for Conclusions (2024)

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The One Sighting Cryptid Iceberg Explained
ANALYSE SUR LE CONGO : L'OPPOSITION CONGOLAISE CONTRIBUE À LA MISÈRE DU PEUPLE CONGOLAIS
URGENT🚨CONCLUSION DES ENQUÊTES DU COUP D'ETAT ET WAZALENDO PROGRESSE
Violence in the Congo: A Civil War Case Study
KIMBANGULOGIE: CONCLUSION YA ENSEIGNEMENT YA KISIMBI YA MAYI
MATINEE DE CONCLUSION DU VENDREDI 10/11/2023 AVEC LE PROPHETE DES NATIONS C. J. KABAMBA

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Essay
Essay the congo essay question question: how was independence realised in africa in the 1960s and 1970s what were the ideas that influenced the congo? political. ... Essays. 100% (6) 7. Document - Hsy1511 assessment 04 obtain 78/💯. Letures comment was good, Southern African History. Essays. 100% (1) 18. 1. History FOR Grade 11 Lesson PLAN
Congo Essay
A full essay on Congo, a full guide using the PEEL method, and a model introduction and conclusion. Good preparation for Matric examination 2022 paper essay. Skip to document. ... Essays. 96% (57) 5. ROAD TO Democracy Universal Essay. Bachelor of Arts in Communication Sciences. Essays. 96% (47)
Essay
The region that is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo was first settled about 80,000 years ago. Bantu migration arrived in the region from Nigeria in the 7th century AD. The Kingdom of Kongo developed between the 14th and the early 19th centuries. Belgian colonization began when King Leopold II founded the Congo Free State, a corporate ...
The Congo
A summary of the grade 12 Congo section of history. This provides an easy way to study and learn the content without it being overwhelming. I got 90% in my grade 12 Mock exam after writing and using this document. Highlights key dates and divides the content up into preferred paragraphs.
PDF 315 Congo Essay (personal info removed)
April 28, 2021. beginnings of colonization continues to affect the world's portrayal of black people. It will. primary sources from the colonization of Africa. First, we will give a background of the Congo. the early colonizer's point of view. Here we will note specific vernacular used in describing. black people and the atrocities committed.
How to write full essay about congo?
Here is a step-by-step guide on how to write a detailed essay about Congo: 1. Introduction: - Start your essay with a brief introduction to Congo, providing some background information about the country's location, population, and significance. - Include a thesis statement that outlines the main points you will be discussing in the essay. 2.
HISTORY T1 W6 Gr. 12: INDEPENDENT AFRICA: THE CONGO
NSC Past Papers & Memos NSC Exam Timetable NSC Exam Results FET Exemplars FET Common Papers eAssessment Preparation Amended Senior Certificate ... THE CONGO. Language: English. Curriculum Alignment: CAPS aligned. Publication Date: 2021-03-08
The Independence of the Congo (1959-1960)
The Belgian government convened a round table conference in January 1960 and invited 96 Congolese delegates from 13 political groups. On January 27, 1960 Belgium agreed to independence for the Congo and on June 30, 1960, the Congo became independent. Patrice Lumumba's Mouvement National Congolais won the most number of seats: 33.
Republic Of Congo Essay
Republic Of Congo Essay; Republic Of Congo Essay. Good Essays. 842 Words; 4 Pages; Open Document. The Republic of the Congo is an Central African country with a population of over five million people. An ex-French colony, Congo gained independence on August 15, 1960. Soon under military control, Congo was considered a Marxist state from 1969 ...
The Congo's Independence Struggle Viewed Fifty Years Later
This commentary therefore will not attempt a comprehensive analysis of the Congo's struggle and achievement of independence; instead it will focus on aspects that can be given a new or revised ...
The Congo Crisis of 1960-1965: History, Causes & Effects
The 1960s was a turbulent era in Africa as many of the colonized countries began gaining their independence and adjusting to self-rule. Just a few weeks after winning its independence from Belgium, the Republic of Congo, now the Democratic Republic of Congo, experienced a severe crisis that shook the country to its core and cost more than a hundred thousand lives, including the life of the ...
The Democratic Republic of the Congo: A Case Study of War and Failed
by Alex Chestnut June, 2020 Introduction The First and Second Congo Wars from 1996-1997 and 1998-2003 respectively, have often been considered by historians to be Sub-Saharan Africa's World Wars. ... Conclusion. The Democratic Republic of the Congo presents one of the most challenging post-conflict peace processes in the world. The country ...
Opinion
Congo is a troubled country that has faced international exploitation because of its wealth of natural resources. Yet it has cities with tall buildings, airports and paved roads. The Congolese ...
Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay
The Congo and Tanzania inherited a single-product economy from their colonisers. Tanzania followed a socialistic economic model. Congo followed a capitalistic model. Both countries struggled to develop their respective economies. Nyerere adopted an African Socialism model outlined in the Arusha Declaration which led to the nationalisation of ...
Congo Essays: Examples, Topics, & Outlines
1. Exploitation of resources: The Belgians exploited the natural resources of the Congo region, particularly rubber, ivory, and minerals, to enrich themselves. This exploitation led to widespread environmental destruction and depletion of resources, causing long-term harm to the region's ecosystem. 2.
The Democratic Republic of Congo Essay
The Democratic Republic of Congo Essay. Better Essays. 2165 Words. 9 Pages. Open Document. The Democratic Republic of Congo Formerly known as Zaire, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DROC) is located in the center of Africa bordered by nine different countries and one territory. (Lerner, 10) The bordering countries are Central African Republic ...
Congo Essay
Congo Essay. Sort By: Page 1 of 50 - About 500 essays. Decent Essays. Women In Congo. 1174 Words; 5 Pages; Women In Congo. The French term "Fond de Commerce" in English means stock and trade. However, in Congo, the phrase has another meaning about the stock and trade of rape victims with international aid organizations Warner. The Congo We ...
Essay on The Conflict of the Republic of the Congo
The conflict in the Republic of Congo can generally be attributed to a lack of democracy. The lack of democracy has developed an unfair supply of resources and corruption amongst government officials. Corruption in government slows the economic growth for all societies. The government is weak, and the judicial system is vulnerable against large ...
Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay
Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay for Grade 12 and Grade 11 History. This page contains an answer guide to the below History Essay Questions (memo): What were the ideas that influence the independent states Congo and Tanzania? After attaining independence Congo and Tanzania were faced with economic, social, and political challenges although there were ...
A History of The Democratic Republic of The Congo
Hear how the demons chuckle and yell. Cutting his hands off, down in Hell.". For over twenty years, that area of land now known as The Democratic Republic of the Congo was administered as a personal colony of King Leopold II of Belgium. From 1885 to 1908, Leopold and fellow investors in the colony extracted massive amounts of wealth from the ...
Effects of Colonialism in Africa: Nigeria and The Congo
Colonization in Nigeria and the Congo is one of the greatest atrocities committed by humankind. The system imposed by European powers, at its very own core, fomented all kind of abuses and violations, through policies that were dictated to comply with the economic demands from the colonizer´s homeland.Oppression, poverty, starvation, endemic brutality and forced labor under inhumane work ...
Abridged Principal Congo Research Essay
Socially and culturally, Congo emphasized forms of Africanisation. During Mabuto Sese Seko's rule, the changing of colonial names to indigenous names was emphasized and continuously highlighted. This was an effort to promote Zairean culture, values, and heritage. On 27 October 1971, he changed the name of Congo to The Republic of Zaire.
How to Conclude an Essay
Step 1: Return to your thesis. To begin your conclusion, signal that the essay is coming to an end by returning to your overall argument. Don't just repeat your thesis statement —instead, try to rephrase your argument in a way that shows how it has been developed since the introduction. Example: Returning to the thesis.
Politics of the Democratic Republic of Congo Essay
Get a custom essay on Politics of the Democratic Republic of Congo. 187 writers online. Learn More. When the country's leadership was in the hands of Mobutu Sese Seko and Laurent-Desire Kabila Kabila, there was little semblance of democracy in the DRC. From the 1980s to the early 2000s, the DRC was the scene of intense strife as Mobutu and ...
Conclusions
Highlight the "so what". At the beginning of your paper, you explain to your readers what's at stake—why they should care about the argument you're making. In your conclusion, you can bring readers back to those stakes by reminding them why your argument is important in the first place. You can also draft a few sentences that put ...
The Congo Themes
Physical Movement and the Body. The subtitle of "The Congo," "A Study of the Negro Race," promises a chronicle of a people. But the speaker in Lindsay's "The Congo" maintains a remove from the Black people in the poem, both American and African. Their true nature remains a mystery throughout the poem, a tactic that worked well for ...
516: Inside the Application (Part 2): Developing ...
How to Combine Your College Essay Prompts (To Save 20+ Writing Hours) College Essay Guy's Personal Statement Resources. Learn How to Write Great Supplemental College Essays. College Essay Guy's College Application Hub. College Essay Guy's Roles and Identities Exercise. Funko Pops

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HISTORY T1 W6 Gr. 12: INDEPENDENT AFRICA: THE CONGO

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The Congo Crisis of 1960-1965: History, Causes & Effects

Congo’s struggle for independence

Causes of the Congo Crisis

The Main Cause of the Congo Crisis

Assassination of Patrice Lumumba

Cease-fire negotiations and the death of Hammarskjöld

The Simba Rebellion

End of the Congo Crisis

Effects of the Congo Crisis

Did you know?

Frequently Asked Questions about the Congo Crisis

Why did the Congo Crisis happen?

Who was Patrice Lumumba?

Why did Katanga secede?

What was the role of the United Nations during the crisis?

How did the crisis end?

Did foreign powers play a role in the crisis?

What was the impact of Lumumba’s assassination?

Who were the Simba rebels?

What were the long-term effects of the Congo Crisis on the country?

Why is the Congo Crisis significant in world history?

Did the Congo Crisis relate to the Cold War?

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Beyond Intractability

Introduction

Colonialism’s Lasting effects on Peace and Stability

Zaire and Mobutu

Rwandan Genocide

First Congo War

Second Congo War

Peace Agreements

Lusaka Agreement

The Sun City Agreement

Pretoria Accords and Luanda Agreement

Pretoria Accords

Luanda Agreement

Future Conflict Resolution

Corruption and Resource Plundering

Good Governance and the Rule of Law

Ethnic Tension

Works Cited

The Intractable Conflict Challenge

Selected Recent BI Posts Including Hyper-Polarization Posts

Things You Can Do to Help Ideas

Conflict Frontiers

Conflict Fundamentals

BI in Context

Colleague Activities

The Complexity of Congo

Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay

Do you agree with this statement? Use appropriate evidence to support your argument.

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