essay about the value of a college education

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Faculty Essay: What is the value of a college education?

By Justin D. Klassen, Ph.D.

Going to college in the United States is expensive, not only because many universities have taken on extraneous expenses, but because a significant portion of the overall cost of education is borne directly by individual students and their families. One consequence of this arrangement is that higher education functions as a luxury rather than an equally accessible public good. Another is that even those who can afford an education are tempted to measure its value in reductive ways.

On the one hand, this is understandable. If a degree is going to deplete my bank account so drastically, then it had better pay me back, pronto. There is a compelling clarity to this logic, which is why some commentators and elected officials suggest that a university’s only legitimate role in society is to provide focused training attached to guaranteed employment. The same voices dismiss the value of learning that does not fit into this tidy equation, e.g., disciplines and programs that do not align directly with specific job qualifications in trending industries. Many college administrators seem to be persuaded, given the trend of cutting traditional liberal arts majors while emphasizing “degrees that pay.”

"The issue isn’t that asking a university for specialized training in a marketable major is asking too much. The truth is we should demand a lot more."

Unfortunately, this understandable response to the high cost of a degree is also self-defeating. That is to say, the more we discredit the intrinsic and transformative value of education, beyond its credentialing function, the less it will appear worthy of additional public investment. It is certainly fair to ask what a degree is worth, as many prospective students and their parents do every spring. But there are better ways to answer the question. 

We ought to begin by reminding ourselves that anyone who promises a clear path to a guaranteed future return is lying. The world has never been that simple, and its complexity is even more pronounced in today’s economy. Many students who are presently in college will get jobs in fields that did not even exist when they began their degrees. Most of them can expect to have several different careers over the course of their lives. So the issue isn’t that asking a university for specialized training in a marketable major is asking too much. The truth is we should demand a lot more. 

Contrary to the popular consensus, the real and lasting value of a college education in a complex and dynamic world is and always has been rooted in the adaptability of broad, interdisciplinary learning. Narrow training prepares us well for success in domains where we can expect predictable repetition. These domains exist, but they are relatively rare. For the most part, life comes at us without barriers against uncertainty or moral complexity. This is not to say that life is sinister, just that it is too wild and wonderful for any single lens to capture. To live well in such a world takes more than training. It requires an openness to learning for its own sake.

David Epstein’s recent book, Range: Why Generalists Triumph in a Specialized World , offers illuminating examples of people who flourish in life and work precisely because they are open to learning beyond a single domain. They know that in an unpredictable world, you can’t decide beforehand what is worth knowing and what isn’t, and that worthwhile discoveries often arise from unexpected connections across disciplines. No wonder, then, he writes, that “compared to other scientists, Nobel laureates are at least twenty-two times more likely to partake as an amateur actor, dancer, magician, or other type of performer.”

We often hear that we can either treat education as a means to a lucrative credential, or we can learn for the sake of learning and end up overeducated and aimless. These Nobel laureates—and many others, including a surprising number of CEOs with liberal arts degrees—show us that the truth is nearly the other way around. They succeed not in spite of their breadth, but because of it. 

It is precisely when we value education intrinsically that it becomes the most useful tool—no mere expiring credential, but a lifelong practice of being flexible, inquisitive and morally discerning in a complex and ever-changing world. This is why many colleges require students in any major to learn subjects like ethics, literature and religion, along with social and natural sciences—not because they don’t care enough about their students’ success, but because they see them as full human persons, who like all of us are called to live wisely and well in community with others. 

Let us therefore abandon the cynicism that would force us to choose between learning for its own sake and learning for success. The real world throws curve balls, both in terms of market needs and in terms of unexpected life events. That world needs the kind of people who can face inevitable uncertainty with creativity and moral imagination, who can approach complex problems like climate change with both scientific literacy and spiritual sensitivity. More than docile workers, we need people who can navigate all manner of relationships with a working knowledge of human psychology and a few cherished examples from art and literature of the transcendent joys of friendship.

And employers need them too. Younger business leaders especially say that creative thinking, empathy, leadership and civic engagement are very important skills in college graduates. They need people, in short, who are not just well trained but “good at being human” (Herbert McCabe). That’s the real ticket to thriving in work and life, and it is also the real promise of a college education. Don’t ask for anything less.

Dr. Justin D. Klassen is associate professor of Theology & Religious Studies and chair of Integrated Studies at Bellarmine University .

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What’s the Value of Higher Education?

Have political and fiscal debates about higher education lost sight of the value of education for individuals and society? Dr. Johnnetta Cole discusses how universities can inform and inspire.

• Dr. Johnnetta Cole President Emerita, Smithsonian National Museum of African Art; President Emerita, Spelman College and Bennett College

This interview was conducted at the Yale Higher Education Leadership Summit , hosted by Yale SOM’s Chief Executive Leadership Institute on January 30, 2018.

The value of a college degree can be measured in a number of different ways: increased lifetime earnings potential, a network of classmates and fellow alumni, subject-matter expertise, a signal of stick-to-itiveness, potentially a marker of class or the capacity to move across classes. There are also less tangible benefits, like becoming a more well-rounded individual and part of a well-informed public.

Yale Insights recently talked with Dr. Johnnetta Cole about how she measures the value of higher education. Cole is the former president of Spelman College and Bennett College, the only two historically black colleges and universities that are exclusively women’s colleges. After retiring from academia, she served as the director of the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African Art. In addition, she served on the boards of a number of corporations, including Home Depot, Merck, and Coca-Cola. She was the first African-American chair of the board for the United Way of America.

Q: Why does higher education matter?

I would say that we could get widespread agreement on what I’m going to call the first purpose of higher education: through this amazingly powerful process of teaching and learning, students come to better understand the world.

There might be some disagreement on the second purpose. I’d say it is to inspire students to figure out how they can contribute to helping to make the world better. Certainly, higher education is about scholarship, but it’s also about service. It’s about creativity. It’s about matters of the mind, but it’s also, or at least it should be, about matters of the heart and the soul.

Q: Has the public perception of universities changed in recent years?

Throughout the history—and herstory—of higher education, there have been doubters, those who have critiqued it. But I have a concern, and some polls tell us, in this period in which we are living, many people believe that higher education is not contributing in a positive way to American life.

That’s something that we need to work on, those of us who are deeply engaged in and care about higher education, because I think when one looks with as much objectivity as possible, the truth is, and it’s always been, that higher education contributes substantially.

Q: You’ve led two historically black colleges for women. What is the role of special mission institutions?

In my view, we still need special mission institutions. Remember Brandeis, Notre Dame, and Brigham Young are special mission institutions.

With respect to historically black colleges and universities (HBCU), not every African American wants to or does go to an HBCU. The same is true of women and women’s colleges. But for those who wish that kind of education, and if the fit is right, it’s almost magical.

I think it is as basic as having an entire community believe that you can. On these campuses, we believe that black students can do whatever they set their minds to do. On the women’s campuses, we believe that women can reach heights that have not been imagined for women.

HBCUs are not totally free of racism. Women’s colleges are not utopias where there are no expressions of gender inequality or sexism. But they come far closer than at our predominately white and co-ed institutions.

Q: One of the big issues with higher education now is cost. How do we solve the affordability problem?

The affordability question is highly complex and serious. James Baldwin said, “Not everything that is faced can be changed, but nothing can be changed that is not faced.” I believe that this is a perfect example. Colleges and universities are not just raising tuitions so they can make big profits. Pell grants are no longer at least a reasonable response to the affordability question.

We’ve got to figure this out because, in a democracy, accessibility to education is fundamental. The idea that something as precious, as powerful, as a solid education is only accessible to some and not to others, is an assault upon democracy.

Q: You came out of retirement to lead the Smithsonian National Museum of African Art. Why was the draw so strong?

I’ve managed, systematically, to get a failing grade in retirement.

I grew up in the South, in the days of legalized segregation—you could also call it state-sponsored racism. I didn’t have access to symphony halls. I didn’t have access to art museums. I still remember the library that I went to in order to travel the world through books, was the A. L. Lewis Colored Public Library.

As a young girl, I fell in love with the visual arts, especially African and African-American art. I went off to Fisk University at age 15 and began to see the real works of art for which we only had reproductions in my home. From Fisk, I went to Oberlin, where the Allen Memorial Art Gallery was a special place of solace for me

The opportunity with the Smithsonian wasn’t something I sought; I was asked to apply. My doctorate is in anthropology, not art history, so I was reluctant, but they told me they were looking for a leader, not an art historian. It was one of the most extraordinary experiences of my life. The work was an almost indescribable joy.

Generally, our museums across America do not reflect who America is, nor do they reflect how our world looks. They need to be far more diverse in terms of their boards, staff, exhibitions, educational programs, and visitorship.

What the African art museum has is a unique opportunity because it can speak to something that binds us together. If one is human, just go back far enough, I mean way back, and we have all come from a single place. It is called Africa.

Here’s a museum that says to its visitors, “No matter who you are, by race, gender, sexual orientation, religion, age, ability or disability, or nationality, come to a place where the visual arts connect you to the very cradle of humanity.”

During those eight years when I had the joy of being the director of the National Museum of African Art, I would greet our visitors by saying “Welcome home! Welcome to a place that presents the diverse and dynamic, the exquisite arts of Africa, humanity’s original home.”

Q: Do you think that our education and cultural institutions are properly valued in our society?

I have to say no. Because if we did, we would take better care of them. If we did, we would make sure that not some but all of our educational institutions from kindergarten through post-secondary education, into graduate and professional schools, have the means to do what needs to be done.

If we really value all of our cultural expressions, whether it’s dance or music, visual arts, theater, when there is a budget shortfall, we wouldn’t say, “These are the first things to go.” We wouldn’t say, “Kids can do without music in their public school.” It’s one thing to say we love an institution; it’s another to care for and protect an institution. I think we can do far better.

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Importance of College Education

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For What It’s Worth: The Value of a University Education

By amy gutmann, president, university of pennsylvania.

Editor’s Note: This article derives from an endowed lecture President Gutmann delivered on achieving the aims of higher education at the Spencer Foundation Conference at Northwestern University and subsequently developed further at the De Lange Conference at Rice University. Revised for publication October 21, 2013.

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In 2010, PayPal co-founder and Facebook “angel” investor Peter Thiel announced he would annually award $100,000 each to 20 young people for them to drop out of college and spend two years starting a tech-based business. “You know, we’ve looked at the math on this, and I estimate that 70 to 80 percent of the colleges in the U.S. are not generating a positive return on investment,” Thiel told an interviewer, explaining his view that we are in the midst of a higher education bubble not dissimilar to the housing and dot-com bubbles of previous decades. “Education is a bubble in a classic sense. To call something a bubble, it must be overpriced and there must be an intense belief in it… there’s this sort of psycho-social component to people taking on these enormous debts when they go to college simply because that’s what everybody’s doing.”

Since his announcement, more than 60 Thiel Fellows have decamped from university—a significant number of them from Stanford, MIT, and Ivy League schools—to follow their dreams of entrepreneurial glory. Thiel says he hopes his program will prod more people to question if a college education is really worthwhile: “Education may be the only thing people still believe in in the United States. To question education is really dangerous. It is the absolute taboo. It’s like telling the world there’s no Santa Claus.”

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This is a complex, but not impossible, question to answer. The simplest response is to tally the added income benefits a university education accrues to its graduates, subtract its added costs, and determine if in fact benefits exceed costs. Some economists have done this quite well. The overwhelming answer is that a college education has paid off for most graduates to date, has increased rather than decreased its wage premium as time has gone on, and can be expected to continue to do so moving forward. If well-paid equates to worthwhile , then the worth of a college education can be settled by the net wage premium of the average college graduate over the average high school graduate—there would be little more to discuss in the matter.

But it would be a serious mistake to equate the value of a university education to the wage premium earned by its graduates. If higher education is to be understood as something more—something much more—than a trade school in robes, before answering the question of whether a university education is worthwhile, we must first address the more fundamental—and more fundamentally complex—question of mission: What should universities aim to achieve for individuals and society?

It is reassuring to those who believe in the worth of a university education—and all the more so in a high-unemployment, low-growth economy—to show that the average person with a college education earns a lot more over her lifetime than the average high school graduate, even after subtracting the cost of college. But even if we are reassured, we should not allow ourselves to be entirely satisfied with that metric, because economic payback to university graduates is neither the only aim, nor even the primary aim, of a university education. Rather, it is best to consider the value-added proposition of higher education in light of the three fundamental aims of colleges and universities in the 21st century:

■ The first aim speaks to who is to receive an education and calls for broader access to higher education based on talent and hard work, rather than family income and inherited wealth: Opportunity , for short.

■ The second aim speaks to the core intellectual aim of a university education, which calls for advanced learning fostered by a greater integration of knowledge not only within the liberal arts and sciences but also between the liberal arts and professional education: Creative Understanding , for short.

■ The third aim is an important consequence to the successful integration of knowledge, not only by enabling and encouraging university graduates to meaningfully contribute to society, but also in the creation of new knowledge through research and the application of creative understanding: Contribution , for short.

Although the challenges of increasing opportunity, advancing creative understanding, and promoting useful social contribution are not new, they take on a renewed urgency in today’s climate. Jobs are scarce. The United States is perceived to be declining in global competitiveness. Gridlock besets our political discourse and increasingly seems to define our national sense of purpose as well. In this environment, it behooves us to remind those who would propose to reform higher education by simply removing some or all of it of the apt observation of the Sage of Baltimore, H.L. Mencken: “There is an easy solution to every human problem—neat, plausible, and wrong.”

Many external obstacles to educational and economic opportunity exist in the United States—including poverty, broken families, and cutbacks in public support—which warrant our national attention and, in some instances, urgent action. No one credibly claims that greater access to college education will solve all or even most of these issues. But there is good reason to believe that greater access to high-quality higher education is a vitally important tool in building a more just, prosperous, and successful society. We can, and we must , do a better job in meeting the three fundamental goals of opportunity, creative understanding, and contribution to afford the utmost benefits of higher education for both personal and societal progress. Taking to heart the ethical injunction, “physician heal thyself,” I focus here on what universities themselves can do to better realize their primary aims.

Starting with the first: What can universities do to help increase educational opportunity? For low- and middle-income students, gainful employment itself is likely to be the most basic economic advantage of a college degree. A recent Brookings Institution study found college is “expensive, but a smart choice,” noting that almost 90 percent of young college graduates were employed in 2010, compared with only 64 percent of their peers who did not attend college. Moreover, college graduates are making on average almost double the annual earnings of those with only a high school diploma. And this advantage is likely to stick with them over a lifetime of work. Perhaps most relevant is that even in the depths of the Great Recession, the unemployment rate of college graduates was less than half that of high school graduates, and never exceeded 5.1 percent. Clearly, the more affordable universities make their education to qualified young people from low- and middle-income families, the more we will contribute to both educational and economic opportunity. Other things being equal, universities provide even greater value-added opportunity to low- and middle-income students than to their wealthier peers.

It is especially important to note that opening the door to higher education can have profound effects both on an individual’s lifetime earnings and lifelong satisfaction, regardless of whether or not that door is framed by ivy. Less selective two-year, four-year, and community colleges have an especially important role to play here, as selective universities cannot do everything: their focus on cutting-edge study and discovery limits their ability to engage in compensatory education. (The ability to work with a broad range of student readiness is one of the great advantages of community colleges and some less selective institutions, an advantage we risk forfeiting as an ever-higher percentage of the cost of an education is shifted from state and government support to individual responsibility.) Nonetheless, the available data show that selective universities can provide greater access to qualified students from low- and middle-income families than they have in the past.

My concern for increasing access began with a focus on recruiting qualified students from the lowest income groups. Learning more led to the conclusion that increasing access for middle-income students should also be a high priority. At Penn, we began by asking: What proportion of students on a set of selective university campuses (that included Penn) come from the top 20 percent of American families as measured by income? The answer (as of 2003) was 57 percent.

Since all colleges and universities should admit only students who can succeed once admitted, selective colleges and universities also need to ask: What percent of all students who are well-qualified come from the wealthiest 20 percent? Thirty-six percent of all highly qualified seniors (with high grades and combined SATs over 1,200) come from the top 20 percent, while 57 percent of selective university students come from this group. Thus, the wealthiest 20 percent of American families are overrepresented on our campuses by a margin of 21 percent. All of the other income groups are underrepresented . Students from the lowest 40 percent of income distribution, whose families earn under about $41,000, are underrepresented by 4.3 percent. The middle 20 percent, who come from families earning $41,000 to $61,000, are underrepresented by 8.4 percent. Students from the second highest income group, whose families earn between $62,000 and $94,000, are also underrepresented by 8.4 percent.

Increasing access to our universities for middle- and low-income students is both an especially worthy, and an increasingly daunting, challenge in the wake of the Great Recession.

Increasing access to our universities for middle- and low-income students is both an especially worthy, and an increasingly daunting, challenge in the wake of the Great Recession. Before the Recession, taking financial aid into account, middle- and low-income families were spending between 25 percent and 55 percent of their annual income to cover the expense of a public four-year college education. That burden has skyrocketed in the past five years, especially for middle-income students who are ineligible for Pell grants and who attend public universities whose public funding (in many cases) has been decimated. This has led to a situation where a student from a typical middle-income family today may pay less to attend Penn than many flagship public universities!

Yet private universities too have experienced a painful financial squeeze. Only by making student aid one of their highest priorities and successfully raising many millions of dollars from generous donors can most private institutions afford to admit students on a need-blind basis and provide financial aid that meets full need. This may be the reason why only about one percent of America’s 4,000 colleges and universities are committed to need-blind admissions and to meeting the full financial need of their undergraduate students. An even smaller group—just a tiny fraction—of universities are committed not only to meeting the full financial need of all students who are admitted on a need-blind basis, but also to providing financial aid exclusively on the basis of need . Those of us in this group thereby maximize the use of scarce aid dollars for students with demonstrated financial need.

At Penn, a focus on need-only aid has enabled us to actually lower our costs to all students from families with demonstrated financial need. Since I became president, we have increased Penn’s financial aid budget by more than 125 percent. And the net annual cost to all aided undergraduates is actually ten percent lower today than it was a decade ago when controlled for inflation. Penn also instituted an all-grant/no-loan policy, substituting cash grants for loans for all undergraduates eligible for financial aid. This policy enables middle- and low-income students to graduate debt-free, and opens up a world of career possibilities to graduates who otherwise would feel far greater pressure to pick the highest paying rather than the most satisfying and promising careers.

Although much more work remains, Penn has significantly increased the proportion of first-generation, low- and middle-income, and underrepresented minority students on our campus. In 2013, one out of eight members of Penn’s freshman class will be—like I was—the first in their family to graduate from college. The percentage of underrepresented minorities at Penn has increased from 15 percent to 22 percent over the past eight years. All minorities account for almost half of Penn’s student body. After they arrive, many campus-wide initiatives enable these students to feel more at home and to succeed. Graduation rates for all groups are above 90 percent.

It is also important to note that the benefit of increasing opportunity extends far beyond the economic advancement of low- and middle-income students who are admitted. Increased socio-economic and racial diversity enriches the educational experience for everyone on a campus. By promoting greater understanding of different life experiences and introducing perspectives that differ profoundly from the prevailing attitudes among the most privileged, a truly diverse educational environment prods all of us to think harder, more deeply, and oftentimes, more daringly.

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So what does this need to cultivate global understanding in the 21st century require of our universities? Among other things, I suggest it demands that we foster intensive learning across academic disciplines within the liberal arts and integrate that knowledge with a much stronger understanding of the role and responsibilities of the professions. Whether the issue is health care or human rights, unemployment or immigration, educational attainment or economic inequality, the big questions cannot be comprehended—let alone effectively addressed—by the tools of only one academic discipline, no matter how masterful its methods or powerful its paradigms.

Consider, for example, the issue of climate change in a world that is both more interconnected and more populous than ever before. To be prepared to make a positive difference in this world, students must understand not only the science of sustainable design and development, but also the economic, political, and other issues in play. In this immensely complex challenge, a good foundation in chemical engineering—which is not a traditional liberal arts discipline nor even conventionally considered part of the liberal arts (engineering is typically classified as “professional or pre-professional education”)—is just as important as an understanding of economics or political science. The key to solving every complex problem—climate change being one among many—will require connecting knowledge across multiple areas of expertise to both broaden and deepen global comprehension and in so doing unleash truly creative and innovative responses.

A liberal arts education is the broadest kind of undergraduate education the modern world has known, and its breadth is an integral part of its power to foster creative understanding. But it is a mistake to accept the conventional boundaries of a liberal arts education as fixed, rather than as a humanly alterable product of particular historical conditions.

In my own field of political philosophy, for example, a scholarly approach centered on intellectual history ceded significant ground in the 1970s to critical analysis of contemporary public affairs, which was a paradigm common to many earlier generations of political philosophers. Were the liberal arts motivated solely by the pursuit of knowledge for its own sake, and not any concern for worldly relevance, then it would be hard to make sense of such shifts. In the case of this important shift in political philosophy, scholars thought it valuable, in the face of ongoing injustice, to revive a tradition of ethical understanding and criticism of society.

A liberal arts degree is a prerequisite to professional education, and most liberal arts universities and their faculties stand firmly on the proposition that the liberal arts should inform the professions. Why then are liberal arts curricula not replete with courses that teach students to think carefully, critically, and creatively about the roles and responsibilities of professionals and the professions? Perhaps we are assuming that students will make these connections for themselves or that it will suffice if professional schools do so later. Neither of these assumptions can be sustained.

For example, we must not assume that students themselves will translate ethics as typically taught in a philosophy curriculum into the roles and responsibilities of the medical, business, and legal professions. The ethical considerations are too complex and profoundly affected by the institutional roles and responsibilities of professionals. Many lawyers, for example, are part of an adversarial system of justice; many doctors are part of a system where they financially benefit from procedures the costs of which are not paid directly by their patients; and many businesspeople operate in what is commonly called a free market, where external interferences are (rightly or wrongly) presumed, prima facie , to be suspect. These and many other contextual considerations profoundly complicate the practical ethics of law, medicine, and business.

My primary point is this: Although the separation of the liberal arts from the subject of professional roles and responsibilities may be taken for granted because it is so conventional, it really should strike us as strange, on both intellectual and educational grounds, that so few courses in the undergraduate curriculum explicitly relate the liberal arts to professional life. This is a puzzle worthy of both intellectual and practical solution.

I propose that we proudly proclaim a liberal arts education, including its focus on basic research, as broadly pre-professional and optimally instrumental in pursuit of real world goals.

This stark separation of the practical and theoretical was neither an inevitable outgrowth of earlier educational efforts, nor has it ever been universally accepted. In fact, it flew in the face of at least one early American effort to integrate the liberal arts and professional education. In his educational blueprint (“Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pensilvania”), which later led to the founding of the University of Pennsylvania, Benjamin Franklin called for students to be taught “every Thing that is useful, and every Thing that is ornamental.” Being a principled pragmatist, Franklin immediately ad dressed an obvious rejoinder, that no educational institution can teach everything. And so he continued: “But Art is long, and their Time is short. It is therefore propos’d that they learn those Things that are likely to be most useful and most ornamental.”

As Franklin’s intellectual heirs, we recognize that something educationally significant is lost if students choose their majors for either purely scholastic or purely professional reasons, rather than because they want to be both well-educated and well-prepared for a likely future career. The introduction of distribution requirements for all majors is one way of responding to this potential problem. The glory and strength of American liberal arts education is its enabling undergraduates to keep their intellectual sights and their career options open, while cultivating intellectual curiosity and creativity that will enhance any of the career paths they later choose to follow. These are among the most eminently defensible aims of a liberal arts education: to broaden rather than narrow the sights of undergraduates, and to strengthen rather than stifle their creative potential.

I propose that we proudly proclaim a liberal arts education, including its focus on basic research, as broadly pre-professional and optimally instrumental in pursuit of real world goals. At its best, a liberal arts education prepares undergraduates for success in whatever profession they choose to pursue, and it does so by virtue of teaching them to think creatively and critically about themselves, their society (including the roles and responsibilities of the professions in their society), and the world.

So what can we do to bolster this optimal educational system, as envisioned by Franklin? As 21st century colleges and universities, we can build more productive intellectual bridges between liberal arts and professional education. We can show how insights of history, philosophy, literature, politics, economics, sociology, and science enrich understandings of law, business, medicine, nursing, engineering, architecture, and education—and how professional understandings in turn can enrich the insights of liberal arts disciplines. We can demonstrate that understanding the roles and responsibilities of professionals in society is an important part of the higher education of democratic citizens.

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These are discoveries such as those made by Dr. Carl June and his team at Penn’s Abramson Cancer Center, with contributions from colleagues at the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia. Their pioneering research with individualized cancer treatments produced a reengineered T-cell therapy. Just in time, too, for young Emma Whitehead, who was stricken with advanced leukemia when she was just five years old. Under Dr. June’s care, Emma, now seven, has beaten her cancer into remission. She’s back at school, laughing and learning and playing with her friends. Her miraculous recovery not only means a renewed chance at a long, fulfilling life for her and her parents— it promises renewed hope for so many who are ravaged by cancer.

In university classrooms and laboratories across the country, the brightest minds are leveraging research and discovery to contribute to the social good. Most of these stories are not as dramatic as Emma’s, but each in its own way has changed and will continue to change how we live and work and understand our world. The full tale of the benefits that universities bring extends far beyond technological and medical advances. We help governments build good public policy based on robust empirical data, garnered from university research. We build better international cooperation through the study of languages and cultures, economic markets, and political relations. We strengthen economies by fostering scores of newly discovered products, markets, and industries. We safeguard our collective health and well-being with insight into global phenomena and systems such as climate change, shifting sea levels, and food supply and agricultural production. All the vital basic and applied research being conducted by universities cannot be accounted for in any one list—the sum is too vast. What I can sum up here is this: If we do not do this research, no one will. Colleges and universities also contribute to society at the local level by modeling ethical responsibility and social service in their institutional practices and initiatives. Their capital investments in educational facilities contribute to the economic progress of their local communities. Colleges and universities at every level can be institutional models of environmental sustainability in the way they build and maintain their campuses.

While the core social contribution of universities lies in both increasing opportunity for students and cultivating their creative understanding, the analogous core social contributions of universities in the realms of faculty research and clinical service are similarly crucial. And both are only strengthened by better integrating insights across the liberal arts and the professions. An education that cultivates creative understanding enables diverse, talented, hardworking graduates to pursue productive careers, to enjoy the pleasures of lifelong learning, and to reap the satisfactions of creatively contributing to society. The corresponding institutional mission of colleges and universities at all levels is to increase opportunity, to cultivate creative understanding, and— by these and other important means such as innovative research and clinical service—to contribute to society.

At their best, universities recruit hardworking, talented, and diverse student bodies and help them develop the understandings—including the roles and responsibilities of the professions in society—that are needed to address complex social challenges in the 21st century. To the extent that universities do this and do it well, we can confidently say to our students and our society that a university education is a wise investment indeed.

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Is a College Education Worth It?

• History of College Education

The American debate over whether a  college education  is worth it began when the colonists arrived from Europe and founded “New College” (later renamed  Harvard University ) in 1636. In spring 2023, there were over 17 million college students in the United States, and over 43 million borrowers owe a collective $1.75 trillion in total student debt. 

Colonial America produced nine colleges that still operate: Harvard University (1636), the College of William & Mary (1693),  Yale University  (1701),  Princeton University  (1746),  Columbia University  (1754),  Brown University  (1764),  Dartmouth College  (1769),  Rutgers University  (1766), and the  University of Pennsylvania  (1740 or 1749). These universities were funded by the colony or England and usually catered to a specific religious denomination such as Congregational or Presbyterian (Puritan). Primary and secondary school systems were not yet established so “college students” were sometimes boys as young as fourteen or fifteen years old and were admitted to receive preparatory education with the assumption that they would matriculate to college-level courses

Pro & Con Arguments

Pro 1 Jobs increasingly require college degrees and college allows students to explore careers and earn better job placements. Only 34% of American jobs required a high school diploma or less in 2017, compared to 72% in the 1970s. During the recession between Dec. 2007 and Jan. 2010, jobs requiring college degrees grew by 187,000, while jobs requiring some college or an associate’s degree fell by 1.75 million and jobs requiring a high school degree or less fell by 5.6 million. According to researchers at Georgetown University, 99% of job growth (or 11.5 million of 11.6 million jobs) between 2010 and 2016 went to workers with associate’s degrees, bachelor’s degrees or graduate degrees. [ 13 ] [ 104 ] [ 105 ] Colleges offer career services, internships, job shadowing, job fairs, and volunteer opportunities in addition to a wide variety of courses that may provide a career direction. Over 80% of college students complete internships before graduation, giving them valuable employment experience before entering the job market. Colleges provide networking value. [ 27 ] Harvard Business School estimates that 65 to 85% of jobs are acquired through networking. College students can join fraternities and sororities, clubs, and teams as well as participate in a variety of social functions to meet new people and network with possible business connections. Internships offered through colleges often lead to mentors or useful contacts within a student’s preferred field. Many colleges offer social media workshops, networking tips, career-related consultation, and alumni networks. [ 30 ] [ 31 ] Meanwhile, college graduates have more and better employment opportunities. 85.2% of college freshmen said they attended college to “be able to get a better job.” The unemployment rate for Americans over 25 with a bachelor’s degree was 1.9% in Dec. 2019, compared to 2.7% for those with some college or associate’s degrees, 3.7% for high school graduates, and 5.2% for high school drop-outs. Underemployment, meaning insufficient work, is lower for college grads (6.2%) as compared to high school-only graduates (12.9%) and people without a high school diploma (18.7%). 58% of college graduates and people with some college or associate’s degrees reported being “very satisfied” with their jobs compared to 50% of high school graduates and 40% of people without a high school diploma. [ 11 ] [ 101 ] [ 106 ] [ 116 ] Thus, college graduates make more money. The average college graduate makes $570,000 more than the average high school graduate over a lifetime. Career earnings for college graduates are 71% to 136% higher than those of high school graduates. The Federal Reserve Bank of New York calculated a 14% rate of return on a bachelor’s degree, which constitutes a good investment. College graduates earn an average of $78,000, a 75% wage premium over the average $45,000 annual earnings for workers with only a high school diploma. 85% of Forbes’ America’s 400 Richest People list were college grads. [ 12 ] [ 122 ] [ 126 ] [ 128 ] And, because college graduates are more likely to have better jobs with better salaries, they are also more likely to have health insurance and retirement plans. 70% of college graduates had access to employer-provided health insurance compared to 50% of high school graduates in 2008. 70% of college graduates 25 years old and older had access to retirement plans in 2008 compared to 65% of associate’s degree holders, 55% of high school graduates, and 30% of people who did not complete high school. [ 11 ] [ 15 ] All of that means a college education has a high return as an investment. Return on investment (ROI) is calculated by dividing the gain from an investment (here the money earned as a result of a college degree) by the cost of the investment (the money spent on a college degree). A college degree has a return of 15% per year as an investment, larger than the stock market (6.8%) and housing (0.4%). Completing some college, but not earning a degree, resulted in a 9.1% return on investment. If a student spent $17,860 (the average cost of tuition and room and board in 2012-2013 for four years at a public university), that student could expect a 15% return of $2,679 each year. According to a 2011 Pew Research survey, 86% of college graduates believed college was a good personal investment. [ 8 ] [ 25 ] [ 32 ] [ 33 ] Read More

Pro 2 Because they learn interpersonal and other skills in college, graduates are more productive as members of society. Students have the opportunity to interact with other students and faculty, to join student organizations and clubs, and to take part in discussions and debates. According to Arthur Chickering’s “Seven Vectors” student development theory, “developing mature interpersonal relationships” is one of the seven stages students progress through as they attend college. Students ranked “interpersonal skills” as the most important skill used in their daily lives in a survey of 11,000 college students. Vivek Wadhwa, technology entrepreneur and scholar, states, “American children party [in college]. But you know something, by partying, they learn social skills. They learn how to interact with each other…They develop skills which make them innovative. Americans are the most innovative people in the world because of the education system.” [ 7 ] [ 16 ] [ 18 ] Students live, go to classes, and socialize with other students from around the world and learn from professors with a variety of expertise. The community of people on a college campus means students are likely to make diverse friends and business connections, and, potentially, find a spouse or mate. Access to a variety of people allows college students to learn about different cultures, religions, and personalities they may have not been exposed to in their hometowns, which broadens their knowledge and perspective. 70.7% of college freshmen in 2015 said they expected to socialize with someone of another racial or ethnic group while in college, while 59.1% said college would help improve their understanding of other countries and cultures. [ 106 ] Henry Bienan, President Emeritus of Northwestern University, argues that a college education results in “greater productivity, lower crime, better health, [and] better citizenship for more educated people.” A 2009 study found 16 to 24 year old high school drop-outs were 63% more likely to be incarcerated than those with a bachelor’s degree or higher. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, from Sep. 2008 to Sep. 2009, 43% of college graduates did volunteer work compared to 19% of high school graduates and 27% of adults in general. [11] In 2005, college graduates were more likely to have donated blood in the past year (9%) than people with some college (6%), high school graduates (4%), and people who did not complete high school (2%). [ 21 ] [ 22 ] [ 23 ] College graduates attract higher-paying employers to their communities. A 1% increase in college graduates in a community increases the wages of workers without a high school diploma by 1.9% and the wages of high school graduates by 1.6%. [ 21 ] Finally, people who do not go to college are more likely to be unemployed and, therefore, place undue financial strain on society, making a college degree worth it to taxpayers. Young people “not engaged in employment/education or training,” AKA NEET, are more likely to receive welfare than youth in general, they are more likely to commit crimes, and they are more likely to receive public health care, all costing the government extra money. In total, each NEET youth between the ages of 16 and 25 impose a $51,350 financial burden on society per year, and after the person is 25 he or she will impose a financial burden of $699,770. The total cost of 6.7% of the US population being NEET youth is $4.75 trillion, which is comparable to half of the US public debt. [ 28 ] [ 29 ] College graduates have lower poverty rates due to their lower unemployment rates. The 2008 poverty rate for bachelor’s degree holders was 4%, compared to a 12% poverty rate for high school graduates. In 2005, married couples with bachelor’s degrees were least likely to be below the poverty line (1.8%) compared to 2.7% of associate’s degree holders, 4.6% of couples with some college, and 7.1% of high school graduates. According to the US Census Bureau, 1% of college graduates participated in social support programs like Medicaid, National School Lunch Program, and food stamps compared to 8% of high school graduates in 2008. [ 11 ] [ 21 ] Read More

Pro 3 College graduates and their children are healthier and live longer. 83% of college graduates reported being in excellent health, while 73% of high school graduates reported the same. A University of Southern California study found that adults over 65 with college degrees spent more years with “good cognition” and fewer years suffering from dementia than adults who did not complete high school. In 2008, 20% of all adults were smokers, while 9% of college graduates were smokers. 63% of 25 to 34 year old college graduates reported exercising vigorously at least once a week compared to 37% of high school graduates. College degrees were linked to lower blood pressure in a 30-year peer-reviewed study and lower levels of cortisol (the stress hormone) by a Carnegie Mellon Psychology department study. In 2008, 23% of college graduates aged 35 to 44 years old were obese compared to 37% of high school graduates. College graduates, on average, live six years longer than high school graduates. [ 11 ] [ 15 ] [ 19 ] [ 20 ] [ 120 ] A medical journal study from 1970 to 2009 shows college graduates had lower infant mortality rates than high school graduates. Mothers with only a high school education are 31% more likely to give birth to a low-birth-weight baby than a woman with a college degree. Children aged 2 to 5 years old in households headed by college graduates have a 6% obesity rate compared to 14% for children in households headed by high school graduates. 18% more children aged 3 to 5 years old with mothers who have a bachelor’s degree could recognize all letters compared to children of high school graduates. In 2010, 59% of children in elementary and middle school with at least one college graduate for a parent participated in after-school activities like sports, arts, and scouting compared to 27% for high school graduate parents. [ 11 ] [ 15 ] [ 21 ] Read More

Con 1 College is not a guarantee of a job or better life. Many college graduates are employed in jobs that do not require college degrees. According to the Department of Labor, as many as 17 million college graduates work in positions that do not require a college education. 1 in 3 college graduates had a job that required a high school diploma or less in 2012. More than 16,000 parking lot attendants, 83,000 bartenders, 115,000 janitors and 15% of taxi drivers have bachelor’s degrees. College graduates with jobs that do not require college degrees earn 30-40% less per week than those who work in jobs requiring college degrees. [ 5 ] [ 6 ] [ 40 ] Too many students earning degrees has diluted the value of a bachelor’s degree. Rita McGrath, Associate Professor at Columbia Business School, stated “Having a bachelor’s used to be more rare and candidates with the degree could therefore be more choosy and were more expensive to hire. Today, that is no longer the case.” A high unemployment rate shifts the supply and demand to the employers’ favor and has made master’s degrees the “new bachelor’s degrees.” According to James Altucher, venture capitalist and finance writer, “college graduates hire only college graduates, creating a closed system that permits schools to charge exorbitant prices and forces students to take on crippling debt.” [ 68 ] [ 69 ] College degrees also do not guarantee learning or job preparation. Many students graduate from college with little understanding of math, reading, civics, or economics. In 2011, 35% of students enrolled in college reported they studied 5 hours or less per week and there was a 50% decline in the number of hours a student studied and prepared for classes compared to a few decades ago. 36% of students demonstrated no significant improvement on Collegiate Learning Assessments after 4 years of college. In 2013 56% of employers thought half or fewer of college graduates had the skills and knowledge to advance within their companies. 30% of college graduates felt college did not prepare them well for employment, specifically in terms of technical and quantitative reasoning skills. A Pew Research survey found that 57% of Americans felt higher education did not provide students with good value compared to the money spent. [ 25 ] [ 56 ] [ 57 ] [ 58 ] [ 59 ] [ 60 ] The market glut and lack of job preparation, means many recent college graduates are un- or underemployed. The unemployment rate for recent college graduates (4.0%) exceeded the average for all workers, including those without a degree (3.6%) in 2019. The underemployment rate was 34% for all college graduates and 41.1% for recent grads. The underemployment (insufficient work) rate for college graduates in 2015 was 6.2% overall: 5.2% for white graduates, 8.4% for Hispanic graduates, and 9.7% for black graduates. According to the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, 44% of recent college graduates were underemployed in 2012. [ 42 ] [ 101 ] [ 129 ] Under- or un-employement also translates into fewer workplace benefits. In 2013, 68.9% of employed new college graduates did not receive health insurance through their employers and, in 2011, 27.2% received retirement coverage (down from 41.5% in 2000). [ 41 ] The total cost of going to college means more than tuition, fees, and books; it also includes an opportunity cost which equals at least four years of missed wages and advancements from a full-time job–about $49,000 for a 4-year degree and $20,000 for a 2-year degree. [ 8 ] Read More

Con 2 Student loan debt is crippling for college graduates, their families, and society. Tuition has risen quicker than income, making college unaffordable for many and forcing students to take out loans. A Mar. 2017 study found that 14% of community college students were homeless and 51% had housing insecurity issues (inability to pay rent or utilities, for example), while 33% experienced food insecurity (lack of access to or ability to pay for “nutritionally adequate and safe foods”), though 58% of the students were employed and 42% received federal Pell Grants. From the 1986-1987 school year to the 2016-2017 school year, the average cost of one year of college (including room and board) increased for 4-year private schools (109.6%) and 4-year public schools (125.7%), while median family income only increased 10.0% between 1986 and 2015. From the 1976-1977 school year to the 2016-2017 school year, annual tuition rates rose for community colleges (173.1%), 4-year public colleges (271.2%), and private 4-year colleges (213.5%). [ 111 ] [ 112 ] [ 113 ] In spring 2023, there were over 17 million college students in the United States, and over 43 million borrowers owe a collective $1.75 trillion in total student debt. 45% of people with student loan debt say college was not worth it. 10% of students graduate with over $40,000 in debt and about 1% have $100,000 in debt. In Feb. 2018, undergraduate college graduates had an average of $37,172 in loan debt. According to the US Congress Joint Economic Committee, approximately 60% of college graduates have student loan debt balances equal to 60% of their annual income. Missing late for loan payments leads to lower credit scores and additional fees, worsening the debt problem. [ 36 ] [ 37 ] [ 107 ] [ 123 ] [ 133 ] [ 134 ] Further, student loan debt often forces college graduates to live with their parents and delay marriage, financial independence, and other adult milestones. 20% of millennials are homeowners, and most millennials say their student debt has delayed home ownership by seven years on average. Student loan borrowers delayed saving for retirement (41%), car purchases (40%), home purchases (29%), and marriage (15%). Fewer than 50% of women and 30% of men had passed the “transition to adulthood” milestones by age 30 (finishing school, moving out of their parents’ homes, being financially independent, marrying, and having children); in 1960, 77% of women and 65% of men had completed these milestones by age 30. [ 38 ] [ 39 ] [ 121 ] Student debt also overwhelms many seniors. Whether they co-signed for a child or grandchild’s education, or took out loans for their own educations, in 2012 there were 6.9 million student loan borrowers aged 50 and over who collectively owed $155 billion with individual average balances between $19,521 and $23,820. Of the 6.9 million borrowers, 24.7% were more than 90 days delinquent in payments. Almost 119,000 of older borrowers in default were having a portion of their Social Security payments garnished by the US government in 2012. [ 51 ] [ 52 ] Student loan debt may not be forgiven in bankruptcy and may not have the same borrower protections as other consumer debt. A study found 60% of people attempting to discharge student loan debt in bankruptcy were unsuccessful. Medical, legal, credit card, loan, and even gambling debt can immediately be discharged in bankruptcy, but getting student loan debt discharged is much more difficult and rare. Private student loans often do not have the same protections as federal loans like income-based repayments, discharges upon death, or military deferments. [ 61 ] [ 70 ] [ 71 ] College graduates aren’t the only ones overwhelmed by debt. Many students do not graduate and waste their own and their government’s money. About 19% of students who enroll in college do not return for the second year. Students who drop out during the first year of college cost states $1.3 billion and the federal government $300 million per year in wasted student grant programs and government appropriations for colleges. Overall, 41% of students at four-year colleges and universities did not graduate within six years: 41% at public schools, 34% at private non-profits, and 77% at private for-profits. Students who did not graduate within six years accounted for $3.8 billion in lost income, $566 million in lost federal income taxes, and $164 million in lost state income taxes in one year. [ 50 ] [ 117 ] Finally, student debt could cause another financial crisis. As of 2012 student loan debt was over $1 trillion dollars, and more than 850,000 student loans were in default. According to the National Association of Consumer Bankruptcy Attorneys, student loans are “beginning to have the same effect” on the economy that the housing bubble and crash created. Former Secretary of Education William Bennett, PhD, agrees that the student loan debt crisis “is a vicious cycle of bad lending policies eerily similar to the causes of the subprime mortgage crisis.” On Feb. 3, 2012, an advisory council to the Federal Reserve also warned that the growth in student debt “has parallels to the housing crisis.” As of Jan. 2013, the rate of default on student loans hit 15.1%–a nearly 22% increase since 2007. [ 61 ] [ 62 ] [ 63 ] [ 64 ] [ 65 ] Read More

Con 3 Many people would be better served learning a trade or pursuing work right out of high school. Trade professions are necessary for society to function, require less than four years of training, and often pay above average wages. The high number of young adults choosing college over learning a trade has created a ‘skills gap’ in the US and there is now a shortage of ‘middle-skill’ trade workers like machinists, electricians, plumbers, and construction workers. One survey of US manufacturers found that 67% reported a “moderate to severe shortage of talent.” “Middle-skill” jobs represent half of all jobs in the US that pay middle-class wages. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, “middle-skill” jobs will make up 45% of projected job openings through 2014, but as of 2012 only 25% of the workforce had the skills to fill those jobs. [ 53 ] [ 54 ] [ 55 ] Many people succeed without college degrees. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, of the 30 projected fastest growing jobs between 2010 and 2020, five do not require a high school diploma, nine require a high school diploma, four require an associate’s degree, six require a bachelor’s degree, and six require graduate degrees. The following successful people either never enrolled in college or never completed their college degrees: Richard Branson, founder and chairman of the Virgin Group; Charles Culpepper, owner and CEO of Coca Cola; Ellen Degeneres, comedian and actress; Michael Dell, founder of Dell, Inc.; Walt Disney, Disney Corporation founder; Bill Gates, Microsoft founder; Steve Jobs, co-founder of Apple; Wolfgang Puck, chef and restaurateur; Steve Wozniak, co-founder of Apple; Mark Zuckerberg, founder of Facebook. [ 43 ] [ 44 ] Read More

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Home Essay Samples Education College Education

The Value of a College Education in Society

Table of contents, knowledge acquisition and intellectual growth, skill development and personal growth, economic prospects and career opportunities, enrichment of society and advancement.

• Pascarella, E. T., & Terenzini, P. T. (2005). How College Affects Students: A Third Decade of Research. Jossey-Bass.
• Carnevale, A. P., & Rose, S. J. (2011). The Undereducated American. Educational Testing Service.
• Caplan, B. (2018). The Case against Education: Why the Education System Is a Waste of Time and Money. Princeton University Press.
• Hossler, D., & Stage, F. K. (1992). Family and High School Experience Influences on the Postsecondary Educational Plans of Ninth-Grade Students. American Educational Research Journal, 29(2), 425-451.
• Altbach, P. G., Reisberg, L., & Rumbley, L. E. (2019). Trends in Global Higher Education: Tracking an Academic Revolution. Brill Sense.

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The Importance of College Education: A Comprehensive Guide

By Eric Eng

Education is the bridge to success in an increasingly complex and interconnected world. Not only does it provide people with the skills and knowledge they need to navigate life, but it also opens up pathways to personal and professional growth. Undeniably, pursuing a college education plays an instrumental role in these aspects.

Understanding the Value of College Education

The impact of higher education goes beyond earning a degree. It contributes significantly to a person’s holistic development and allows one to expand one’s horizon.

The Role of Higher Education in Personal Development

College education ignites intellectual curiosity and promotes critical thinking. It cultivates skills such as decision-making, problem-solving, and effective communication, which aren’t just important in academics but valuable life skills.

Moreover, the college provides a nurturing environment for creativity, exploration, and self-discovery. It encourages divergent thinking and allows students to question, analyze, and interpret the world around them.

For example, in a literature class, students may analyze various texts from different time periods and cultures, allowing them to gain a deeper understanding of the human experience. This exposure to diverse perspectives broadens their worldview and enhances their ability to empathize with others.

Furthermore, college campuses often offer various extracurricular activities and clubs that allow students to explore their interests and passions outside of the classroom. Whether joining a debate team, participating in community service projects, or engaging in artistic endeavors, these experiences contribute to personal growth and development.

Economic Benefits of a College Degree

It is well-established that college graduates generally earn more than those with only a high school diploma. Investing in higher education often results in higher lifetime earnings, leading to improved personal and family well-being. Furthermore, economic stability facilitates societal growth and development.

Alongside higher earnings potential, a college degree often provides better job benefits. These include health insurance, retirement investment, travel opportunities, flexible working hours, and workplace autonomy.

Additionally, the economic benefits of a college degree extend beyond the individual. According to research, college-educated individuals are more likely to contribute to their communities through volunteering, philanthropy, and civic engagement. This active involvement helps create a positive social impact and fosters a sense of responsibility towards the welfare of others.

Furthermore, college graduates are more likely to have a higher level of financial literacy, which enables them to make informed decisions about investments, savings, and overall economic well-being.

College Education and Career Opportunities

A college degree is a prerequisite for an increasing number of jobs. Many sectors, such as technology, healthcare, engineering, and education, demand employees with specialized skills and knowledge that can be honed through a well-rounded college education.

Moreover, a college education fosters career mobility and stability. It opens up avenues for promotions and leadership roles and dramatically increases employment opportunities.

For instance, a college education is essential for aspiring doctors, nurses, and other healthcare professionals in healthcare. The rigorous training and education they receive equip them with the necessary knowledge and skills to provide quality care to patients.

Furthermore, college graduates often have access to a vast network of alumni and industry professionals, which can be invaluable for job hunting and career advancement. These connections can provide mentorship, internship opportunities, and valuable industry insights.

Lastly, a college education helps individuals develop transferable skills such as teamwork, adaptability, and leadership, highly valued by employers across different sectors. These skills enable graduates to navigate the ever-changing job market and thrive in various professional settings.

Debunking Myths About College Education

While the merits of a college education are undoubted, certain misconceptions often impede the path to higher education. Let’s examine a few.

Addressing the Overqualification Argument

One common myth is that having a college degree might leave one overqualified for some jobs. However, a deeper look reveals that more employers seek workers with a broad range of skills, many cultivated through a college education. Advanced education equips individuals with adaptable competencies, enabling them to thrive in diverse work settings.

For example, a study by the National Association of Colleges and Employers found that employers value critical thinking, problem-solving, and communication skills – all honed during a college education. These skills are essential in today’s rapidly changing job market, where employees must adapt to new technologies and evolving industry trends.

Furthermore, a college education provides students with opportunities for internships, co-op programs, and research projects, allowing them to gain practical experience in their chosen field. This hands-on experience not only enhances their knowledge but also makes them more marketable to employers.

In addition, a college degree often serves as a signal to employers that an individual possesses the dedication, discipline, and perseverance required to complete a rigorous academic program. This signal can give job applicants an edge over those without a degree, demonstrating their commitment to personal and professional growth.

The “Not Everyone Needs College” Myth

Another widespread myth posits that not everyone needs college. While it’s true that some individuals can succeed without a degree, the importance of higher education cannot be downplayed. Apart from enhancing earning potential, it offers intrinsic benefits such as critical thinking skills, immersive learning experiences, and a supportive network of relationships.

Research has consistently shown that individuals with a college degree tend to earn higher salaries than those without one. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, the median weekly earnings for someone with a bachelor’s degree are approximately 80% higher than those with only a high school diploma. This wage premium not only provides financial stability but also opens doors to better job opportunities and career advancement.

Moreover, a college education fosters critical thinking skills, which are essential for navigating complex issues and making informed decisions. Students learn to analyze information, evaluate arguments, and develop logical reasoning abilities through rigorous coursework. These skills are transferable to various aspects of life, enabling individuals to approach challenges with a thoughtful and analytical mindset.

In addition to academic growth, college offers immersive learning experiences that go beyond the classroom. Students can participate in research projects, study abroad programs, and internships, all providing hands-on learning and real-world application of knowledge. These experiences deepen their understanding of their chosen field and help them develop valuable teamwork, problem-solving, and adaptability skills.

Furthermore, the college provides a supportive network of relationships that can last a lifetime. Students can connect with professors, classmates, and alumni with similar interests and goals. These connections can lead to mentorship opportunities, career advice, and potential collaborations. The college community also offers a diverse and inclusive environment, exposing students to different perspectives and cultures and fostering empathy and understanding.

In conclusion, debunking college education myths is crucial to ensure that individuals make informed decisions about their future. A college degree equips individuals with the necessary skills and knowledge for a successful career and offers personal growth, lifelong learning, and a support network. It is essential to recognize the value of higher education and the numerous benefits it brings to individuals and society as a whole.

The Social Impact of College Education

College education profoundly impacts society, influencing civic engagement, social mobility, and community development. Through its multifaceted effects, higher education plays a crucial role in shaping a more inclusive and progressive society.

College Education and Civic Engagement

One of the significant benefits of college education is its positive impact on civic engagement. Research has consistently shown that college graduates are more likely to actively participate in their communities and engage in various forms of social and political activism. This increased civic involvement can be attributed to the knowledge and skills acquired during their educational journey.

College education exposes students to a wide range of social issues, encouraging them to critically analyze and understand the complexities of the world around them. This heightened awareness fosters a sense of responsibility towards their communities, motivating college graduates to contribute actively to societal growth. Whether through volunteering, community service, or advocacy work, college-educated individuals often become catalysts for positive change.

Higher Education’s Influence on Social Mobility

Beyond its impact on civic engagement, college education also plays a crucial role in promoting social mobility. For individuals from lower-income families, access to higher education can be a transformative opportunity that breaks the cycle of poverty and opens doors to better economic prospects.

By providing individuals with the knowledge, skills, and credentials necessary for good-paying jobs, college education equips them with the tools to improve their economic situation. This increased earning potential benefits individuals and their families and contributes to economic growth.

Moreover, college education promotes equal access to resources and opportunities, leveling the playing field for individuals from disadvantaged backgrounds. It is a powerful equalizer, enabling individuals to overcome socioeconomic barriers and pursue their aspirations. By expanding access to higher education, society can work towards creating a more equitable and just society.

In conclusion, college education has far-reaching social implications. It enhances civic engagement and responsible citizenship and serves as a catalyst for social mobility and equal access to opportunities. By recognizing the transformative power of higher education, society can strive toward a more inclusive and prosperous future.

The Challenges of Pursuing a College Education

Despite the numerous benefits, pursuing a college education has its challenges. These hurdles must be addressed to make higher education accessible for all.

When it comes to the challenges of pursuing a college education, financial barriers are often at the forefront. College education can be financially taxing, with tuition fees significantly burdening many students. However, it doesn’t stop there. Books, accommodation, and personal expenses can pile up, posing even more significant financial barriers. As a result, many students struggle to afford the education they desire. Society must advocate for policies that make college more affordable and provide financial aid to those in need. By doing so, we can ensure everyone has an equal opportunity to pursue higher education.

Aside from financial barriers, college students face another significant challenge: striking a balance between academics and personal life. The pressure to excel academically can often be overwhelming, leaving little time for socializing, part-time jobs, and family responsibilities. Many students struggle with the constant juggling act, trying to meet their coursework demands while maintaining a healthy personal life. To address this challenge, institutions should prioritize mental health support and offer time and stress management resources. By providing students with the tools and support they need, we can help them navigate the complexities of college life and ensure their overall well-being.

Furthermore, it’s essential to recognize that the challenges of pursuing a college education extend beyond financial and academic pressures. Students also face various social and cultural barriers impacting their educational journey. Race, gender, and socioeconomic status can influence a student’s experience in higher education. Institutions must foster an inclusive and supportive environment that celebrates diversity and provides equal opportunities for all students.

In conclusion, while pursuing a college education offers numerous benefits, it has challenges. Financial barriers, the struggle to balance academics and personal life, and social and cultural barriers are just a few of the hurdles students face. However, by acknowledging and addressing these challenges, we can work towards making higher education accessible and inclusive for all.

Making the Most of Your College Education

Choosing the right course and institution.

Selecting the correct program and institution is vital in shaping your college journey. Choices should align with your long-term goals, interests, and values. Thorough research, college visits, speaking with alumni, and career counseling can aid this crucial decision.

Maximizing Learning Opportunities in College

College is more than just attending classes and getting grades. It offers ample opportunities for experiential learning. Students should seize these opportunities through internships, study abroad programs, workshop sessions, research projects, and other co-curricular activities.

Preparing for the Job Market Post-College

To make the most of your college education, one must also prepare for the job market post-college. This includes equipping oneself with transferrable skills, networking, and gaining practical experience in your field. Active engagement with career services and using internships, mentorship programs, career fairs, and workshops can facilitate this transition.

A college education is a journey of personal growth, intellectual exploration, and professional development. It is a transformative experience that carries the potential to shape a person’s life and contribute meaningfully to the community. The challenges are significant, but the rewards are well worth it with the proper support.

If you want to discuss the matter to a greater extent or inquire about college admissions, look no further! Our experts here at AdmissionSight can help you! Here at AdmissionSight, we have over a decade’s worth of experience guiding students through the competitive admissions process to get accepted to the top universities in the world. Feel free to set up an appointment today to book your initial consultation .

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Guest Essay

The Value of an Education That Never Ends

By Michael S. Roth

Dr. Roth is the president of Wesleyan University and the author of “The Student: A Short History.”

For more than 15 years I have presided over my university’s Arrival Day, the time when families drop off their sons and daughters about to start their college career. Every year some parents will take me aside to say they wish they were starting college, and that they’d get a lot more out of the experience now because they’ve become better learners.

One mother laughingly called herself a “perpetual student.” She meant she pursued learning for the sheer joy of inquiry. But the term is usually one of gentle derision: someone who keeps taking more courses as a way to avoid holding down a job. In other words, a slacker, or a loser. I think that’s wrong. We should begin to see this sort of lifelong learning as a way for individuals to gain not just knowledge, but liberation. In its ideal form, being a perpetual student is not an act of avoidance but rather a path to perpetual self-determination and freedom.

The ideas of “freedom” and “student” were not always linked together. In pre-modern Europe, schools were few and far between, but there was learning nonetheless — learning that aimed at economic independence and integration with a community. Universities were founded in the medieval period, and as literacy became more culturally and economically advantageous, especially after the Protestant Reformation, basic schooling became more common.

For the 18th-century philosopher Immanuel Kant, the student in pursuit of enlightenment was someone in the process of leaving behind “self-imposed immaturity” and learning to think for oneself. Some people, however, were said to exist outside the realm of learning altogether — at least the kind of learning meant to allow one to stand on one’s own feet. With intellectual contortions fueled by racism and economic self-interest, many supposedly enlightened Enlightenment thinkers and writers argued that enslaved people could not be students, that they did not have the potential to be free. States passed laws forbidding the education of enslaved people. Learning became an act of resistance.

Across the West in the 19th century, formal schooling became more widespread, and debates about education centered on preparing independent thinkers who could also be free citizens. But questions quickly arose: Are schools truly helping students think for themselves, or are they only indoctrinating them into the latest conventions? Will advanced learning lead to scientific gains that benefit society, or will it only create self-serving justifications for the inequalities produced by industrialization? By the mid 1800s Ralph Waldo Emerson would call on his fellow citizens to live more independently by being more open and creative. For him, the freedom of a student was not just an intellectual matter. It was bound up with opposing convention — and it shouldn’t end with school.

The connection between learning and freedom is presupposed in many criticisms of students today as censorious or relativist, illiberal or radical, coddled snowflake or warrior for social justice. As the 1990s boogeyman of political correctness has been transformed in the minds of its enemies into woke and cancel culture, one can see more clearly than ever that the idea of the student is a screen onto which folks (themselves long out of school) project their fears for the future and, perhaps, anxieties about themselves.

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The Value of Higher Education: Is College Worth it?

A college education is an essential stepping stone to a successful career and a fulfilling life. While many people debate the value of a college education in today’s economy, a college education is a crucial investment that can transform one’s life in countless ways. The benefits of a college education go beyond a job or career; it impacts personal development, civic engagement and overall well-being.

In this guide, we’ll dive deep into the career advancement and salary opportunities available for individuals pursuing a college education. In addition, we’ll take a close look at all of the ways a college student can grow personally, from a health, social and economic standpoint.

Ready to start your journey to college? Crimson Education is the world’s leading College Admissions Consulting company helping student gain admissions into top universities in the US & UK. Speak to our expert advisors to learn more about our Admissions Support Program !

Advantages of a College Degree

One of the main reasons people pursue higher education is to increase their earning potential and career opportunities. Studies have consistently shown that college graduates have higher earnings and more career advancement opportunities than those without a college degree. A college education provides specialized skills and knowledge that are highly valued in the workforce.

Additionally, college graduates have access to a larger professional network, which can lead to more job opportunities and career advancement . In this regard, a college degree can be a valuable investment in one's future, providing a path to higher earning potential and greater job satisfaction. Here’s a closer look at the economic and career opportunities available for college graduates:

Increased Job Opportunities

A college degree opens up more job opportunities than a high school diploma alone. Many employers require a college degree for certain positions, and a degree can make candidates more competitive in the job market.

Higher Earning Potential

One of the most significant benefits of obtaining a college degree is the higher earning potential it provides. College graduates tend to earn more than those with only a high school diploma, and this trend holds across various professions and industries.

According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics , in 2021, the median weekly earnings for workers with a bachelor's degree was $1,334, compared to $899 for those with a high school diploma only. Furthermore, individuals with an advanced degree, such as a master's or doctoral degree, tend to earn even more.

The higher earning potential of college graduates can be attributed to several factors. First, college graduates have specialized knowledge and skills that are highly valued in the workforce. They are trained to think critically, analyze complex problems, and communicate effectively, all of which are skills that are in high demand across various industries.

Second, many employers require a college degree for certain positions, especially those that involve complex tasks or require specialized knowledge. Therefore, having a college degree makes candidates more competitive in the job market and increases their chances of being hired.

Specialized Skills

Obtaining a college degree provides graduates with specialized skills and knowledge that are highly valued in the workforce. These skills and knowledge are developed through coursework, hands-on experience, and exposure to various learning environments.

Some of the specialized skills that college graduates possess include:

• Critical thinking and problem-solving : College graduates are trained to analyze complex problems, identify potential solutions, and make informed decisions.
• Communication skills : College graduates have honed their written and verbal communication skills, which are essential in many professional settings.
• Technical skills : Depending on the degree program, college graduates may have specialized technical skills that are in high demand, such as computer programming, data analysis, or engineering.
• Leadership skills : College graduates often have experience working in teams and leading projects, which can be valuable in management and leadership positions.
• Adaptability : College graduates are trained to adapt to changing environments and situations, which is essential in today's rapidly evolving job market.
• Cultural competency : College graduates are exposed to a diverse range of cultures and ideas, which can enhance their ability to work with people from different backgrounds.

Having specialized skills can make college graduates more attractive to employers and increase their chances of being hired for certain positions. These skills can also lead to higher salaries, as many employers are willing to pay a premium for specialized expertise.

Networking is an essential aspect of career development, and obtaining a college degree provides graduates with a valuable network of contacts. College graduates have access to a vast network of alumni, professors, classmates, and professionals in their field, which can provide numerous benefits throughout their careers.

Networking can lead to job opportunities, as many employers prefer to hire candidates through referrals. Building relationships with professionals in your field can help you learn about job openings before they are publicly advertised, giving you an advantage in the job market.

Career Advancement Opportunities

Obtaining a college degree can open up numerous career advancement opportunities for graduates. A college degree provides specialized knowledge and skills that can make graduates more competitive in the job market and eligible for higher-paying positions with greater responsibility and leadership opportunities.

A college degree can provide graduates with the opportunity to switch careers, as they have the skills and knowledge needed to transition to a new field. In addition, graduates with specialized skills and knowledge can also pursue industry certifications, which can increase their credibility and open up new career opportunities.

Increased Job Satisfaction

College graduates often work in fields they are passionate about, which can lead to greater job satisfaction. By pursuing their interests and passions, they are more likely to find fulfillment in their work. In addition, college graduates are often eligible for jobs with greater job security, such as those in government, education, or healthcare. Having a stable job can lead to greater job satisfaction, as employees feel more secure in their position.

Social Mobility and Economic Stability

College education can expose individuals to diverse perspectives, cultures, and ideas, which can broaden their understanding and empathy for others. This can help individuals develop stronger relationships, build social capital, and navigate social and economic barriers. However, that’s not all that a college education can help support social mobility. College can provide individuals with networking opportunities that can lead to job opportunities, mentorship, and access to resources that can help them move up the social and economic ladder.

In addition, a college education can provide individuals with access to a broader range of career opportunities, including those that require specialized skills and knowledge. This can lead to career advancement, which can provide individuals with greater social mobility.

As a result of a broader range of career opportunities, college graduates tend to have greater resilience to economic downturns, as they may have more skills, education, and experience to adapt to changing economic conditions. Also, college courses often include personal finance education, which can provide students with the knowledge and skills to manage their finances effectively, including budgeting, saving, investing, and managing debt. This can lead to greater financial stability and security over the long term, leading college graduates to have more economic stability.

Personal Development and Fulfillment

A college education can contribute to personal development and fulfillment through intellectual growth, self-discovery, personal growth, social connections, and a love of lifelong learning. This is because a college education can facilitate personal growth through experiences that challenge individuals to step outside of their comfort zones, take risks, and learn from their mistakes.

As a student works towards obtaining their degree, their time in college can be a time of self-discovery as individuals explore their interests, values, and beliefs. This can help individuals develop a sense of identity and purpose and make informed decisions about their personal and professional lives.

In addition, many colleges provide opportunities for social connections and community building, which can lead to a sense of belonging and fulfillment. The opportunities colleges provide for personal development can include participation in student organizations , cultural events, and community service.

Health and Well-Being

While not many people think about the ways a college can support an individual’s health and well-being, pursuing a college education can play a key role in a student’s life-long well-being.

Many colleges and universities provide access to healthcare services, including medical care, mental health counseling, and wellness programs. In addition, a college education can promote physical activity through organized sports programs, recreation facilities, and fitness classes.

In addition, a college education can provide a supportive environment for students through peer support networks, mentorship programs, and counseling services. A supportive environment can help students cope with challenges and promote overall well-being. Many campuses also promote stress management through stress reduction programs, mindfulness training, and counseling services.

Overcoming Challenges and Creating Opportunities

A college education is helpful for individuals looking to overcome challenges and create opportunities to flourish.

Pursuing a college education allows opportunities for innovating and creative solutions, which increases a student’s likelihood of success. A college education can expose individuals to diverse perspectives, cultures, and ideas, which can help them approach challenges and opportunities from multiple angles. College allows individuals to develop skills and exposure to diverse perspectives. These factors allow students to become more adaptable, resilient, and successful in the event of challenges.

Do you need a college degree to be successful?

If the answer to this question were a simple “yes,” then the decision to go to college would be easy. Many factors help make someone successful. But, for most successful people, college is one of those factors.

Is college necessary for a successful career?

Yes and no. College opens up opportunities both intellectually and socially that you wouldn’t have otherwise. You’re surrounded by a network of students and professionals from all walks of life. There’s a good chance one might be your connection to your future career.

As a college graduate, you’ll likely have better career prospects, higher pay, and a higher-skilled job. These factors often contribute to stability, success, and overall happiness.

Final Thoughts: Is college worth it?

Based on current evidence, trends, and statistics, yes, college is worth it . If you have a college degree, you should have an easier time finding, keeping, and enjoying your career. But, the ultimate decision is still up to you. If you’re still unsure if college is for you, consider contacting one of Crimson’s advisors. They can answer your questions, help you determine which college might be right for you, and guide you towards a path that will lead you to the career of your dreams.

Ready to start your education journey? Book a free consultation with our advisors to learn more about how Crimson can help you!

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Experts discuss whether college is still worth it

Subscribe to the center for economic security and opportunity newsletter, gabriela goodman gabriela goodman senior research assistant - economic studies , center for economic security and opportunity.

December 13, 2023

This is a summary of an event held on December 7, 2023. You can watch the full video of the event here .

Higher education has historically been seen as the most reliable path to economic mobility. However, with uncertainty around student loan programs, high sticker prices, and growing distrust in institutions, Americans are increasingly questioning whether college is still worth it.

On December 7, 2023, the Center for Economic Security and Opportunity (CESO) hosted a virtual panel moderated by Sarah Reber, a CESO senior fellow, to discuss the value of higher education and returns to obtaining a college degree. Below are some key takeaways.

Attitudes toward higher education have shifted.

Paul Tough, a contributing writer at the New York Times Magazine where he has written about these trends, started the discussion off by summarizing changing attitudes toward higher education: Ten years ago, 74% of young adults agreed that higher education is very important, down to only 41% today. This shifting perspective is manifesting in declining college enrollment, explained Tough. The number of U.S. undergraduates has declined to 15.5 million from 18 million in 2010.

Tough attributed this trend to two primary causes. First, trust in institutions is falling, and higher education is no exception. This is particularly the case among conservative voters who perceive colleges as pushing a liberal political agenda. Second, people are worried about the financial risk associated with high college costs and low completion rates.

Research suggests that average returns to college are still high.

David Deming, Harvard University Professor of Political Economy, explained that after increasing for decades, the college wage premium—the difference in average earnings between college graduates and non-college graduates—has plateaued, but remains around 65%. That is, the average four-year college graduate earns about 65% more than the average high school graduate.

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The panelists also discussed the cost of going to college, noting that financial aid is available for qualifying low-income students, though it is not always enough to make college affordable. Stephanie Cellini, George Washington University Professor of Public Policy and Economics, pointed out that while the average posted “sticker price” of college has been rising, the “net price”—what students pay after subtracting out financial assistance that doesn’t have to be repaid—is lower than the sticker price that receives so much attention. She notes that the average sticker price has actually been decreasing in recent years. (See a recent discussion of that trend here .) Still, Cellini emphasized that many students have to take out loans to afford college and then struggle to repay these loans.

Denisa Gándara, Assistant Professor of Educational Leadership and Policy at UT Austin, added that higher wages are not the only benefit of college attendance. For example, there is a growing body of evidence suggesting that college graduates have better physical and mental health. Society also benefits when people go to college; college graduates tend to be more civically engaged, reported Gándara.

Returns vary by institution.

Cellini said that some colleges, particularly for-profit institutions, are riskier than others. For-profit colleges are generally more expensive than non-profit or public alternatives and don’t increase earnings as much. As a result, students who attend for-profit institutions tend to have higher debt and are more likely to default on their student loans. Gándara expanded on this point, saying that for-profit institutions enroll a disproportionate number of low-income, veteran, and older students. This disparity means that it is often students from more disadvantaged backgrounds that attend schools with lower returns.

Starting but not completing college can make students financially worse off.

Tough pointed out that about 40% of students who start college don’t complete their degree. These students often end up in a worse financial position than their peers who chose not to attend college in the first place.

Our college institutions are in desperate need of reform. David Deming, Harvard University Professor of Political Economy

Deming agreed that completion is too low and suggested that lack of resources at many colleges is a major part of the problem. Student support services are particularly important. As Gándara mentioned, public and other less well-funded schools enroll more low-income students—exactly the types of students who could benefit more from stronger support systems.

Community colleges have limitations but can be an affordable alternative to four-year institutions. 

Panelists pointed out the value of community colleges, an oftentimes more affordable option than traditional four-year colleges. Students can start at community college and transfer to a four-year college. However, as Deming noted, transferring from community college to a four-year college is not necessarily a smooth process. Additionally, he added that short-term programs often lead to shorter-term benefits and fewer transferable skills. Both Deming and Cellini touched on potential benefits of “stacking” credentials, meaning using multiple educational programs such as vocational training and traditional degrees to build a more comprehensive skillset and knowledge base.

Where do we go from here?

The panelists described a number of approaches to increasing the returns to college and improving college completion rates. Cellini mentioned initiatives to hold schools accountable for their students’ outcomes. Both Cellini and Tough proposed efforts to make information about financial aid and college choices more easily accessible and digestible, though Tough argued that some policy discussions have over-emphasized helping individual students navigate a too-complex system at the expense of more systematic change that would make higher education fairer. Deming suggested expanding government subsidies to make college more affordable. The panelists agreed that community colleges require more funding.

So, is college still worth it?

The consensus among the panelists: College is worth it for most people, with some caveats. Institution type and area of study both impact the returns to college, as do academic preparation and risks associated with not completing a degree. “The system is not fair,” Tough added.

There are actions society can take to make college pay off for more people. “Our college institutions are in desperate need of reform,” concluded Deming. As reiterated throughout the panel, the U.S. college system disadvantages low-income students, often leaving them with substantial debt while providing insufficient support systems to help them succeed.

The Brookings Institution is financed through the support of a diverse array of foundations, corporations, governments, individuals, as well as an endowment. A list of donors can be found in our annual reports published online  here . The findings, interpretations, and conclusions in this report are solely those of its author(s) and are not influenced by any donation.

Education Access & Equity Higher Education

Economic Studies

Center for Economic Security and Opportunity

Zachary Billot, Annie Vong, Nicole Dias Del Valle, Emily Markovich Morris

August 26, 2024

11:00 am - 12:00 pm EDT

Spelman College, Atlanta Georgia

7:00 pm - 12:30 pm EDT

The Value of Education Essay

• To find inspiration for your paper and overcome writer’s block
• As a source of information (ensure proper referencing)
• As a template for you assignment

Introduction

The education system in the United States has been a highly controversial topic for a long time. Many people argue its value and require serious reforms. However, others believe that the current situation is totally acceptable and emphasizes the strengths of educational institutions in the country. The main goal of this paper is to discuss the key aspects of the education system in the United States and highlight its value.

There are several benefits and drawbacks to the US education system. The fact that most college graduates have better salaries its main advantage. The average income for citizens aged 25 years and older with bachelor degrees is almost two times higher than for people with only high school diplomas (Snipp, 2015). Another reason to choose higher education is that many jobs require college degrees. However, there are significant cons, as well.

Student debt loans are a heavy burden for graduates. More than half of the students in the United States spend almost 60 percent of their annual income to pay off loan debts (Bok, 2015). In addition, in spite of the fact that most employers hire only college-educated specialists, many graduates cannot find a job.

My parents have already spent on my education more than $30,000. However, I believe that it is worth this money. Education offers many opportunities for students. They can interact with teachers, professors, and other professionals to gain very valuable experience and knowledge. Education helps to develop social and vocational skills that are necessary for modern society. Also, educational institutions narrow the gap between the rich and the poor.

Many specialists claim that education is one of the most prominent instruments that can serve as a social equalizer. First, more educated people have better chances to obtain higher-paying positions (Biddle, 2014). The most successful careers require many different qualities that are cultivated in educational institutions. Second, various studies show that there is a direct connection between a poverty level and the number of people with college and university degrees (Pavlakis, Noble, Pavlakis, Ali, & Frank, 2015). Educated citizens are more productive and reliable members of society. Such individuals are less likely to end up living in poverty. Therefore, education can reduce the difference between materially needy and wealthy people.

Evaluation is another important aspect that is necessary to discuss. Standardized tests are the major approach that is used by most educational institutes. There are many reasons for the application of such an assessment. First, standardized tests positively affect academic achievements. Second, they ensure an equal and complete evaluation of students. Third, standardized tests help to focus on the most important aspects of an educational program.

Therefore, this measure is highly objective, reliable, and fair. However, there are some additional evaluation methods like teachers’ reports or extracurricular activities. Teachers’ reports provide parents with information about the student’s achievements. It might help them to decide on certain steps aimed at enhancing their children’s performance. Such reports demonstrate the student’s strengths and weaknesses. Also, teachers might offer some recommendations, highlighting specific areas that need to be improved.

Extracurricular activities might serve as an evaluating tool, as well. It helps a college administration understand more deeply the personality of an applicant. However, these additional measures can also be overwhelming to students. Their effectiveness depends on a family’s socioeconomic background. Therefore, students from healthy families benefit from teachers’ reports and extracurricular activities as they have a strong and reliable support system. However, it might be a heavy burden for children who live in dysfunctional families.

Therefore, educational institutions should provide special treatment to people from a poor socio-economic environment. Colleges have to do much more to admit low-income students and help them to complete programs. There are many successful examples that demonstrate that needy people can get the necessary support from the education system. Such assistance improves academic achievements and, subsequently, chances to get a more favorable job.

Low-income students are faced with different barriers that prevent them from enrolling in and completing educational programs. Many colleges put their prestige too high, and it makes them unaffordable to most learners. Therefore, it is necessary to bring particular attention to such institutes. Also, some ethnic communities require additional support. Many African-American students ask for fair treatment. Although equal rights are guaranteed to all citizens, this ethnic group is still faced with unfair attitudes that lead to low enrolment rates.

In conclusion, the development of a nation depends on the quality of education. The lack of literacy among the general public leads to economic and intellectual stagnation. Many American citizens believe that the education system in their country is not effective and should be changed. Students cannot afford to study at colleges and universities due to high tuition. The financial status also has a direct impact on their academic achievements. In addition, many graduates cannot find appropriate jobs. However, education offers many different opportunities that let a young person become a decent member of society. Although this system is not ideal, it is still the major factor that makes the United States one of the most prosperous countries.

Biddle, B. (2014). Social class, poverty and education . New York, NY: Routledge.

Bok, D. (2015). Higher education in America . New Jersey, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Pavlakis, A. E., Noble, K., Pavlakis, S. G., Ali, N., & Frank, Y. (2015). Brain imaging and electrophysiology biomarkers: Is there a role in poverty and education outcome research? Pediatric Neurology , 52 (4), 383-388.

Snipp, C. (2015). A historical overview and current assessment . W. G. Tierney. (Ed.). Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press.

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IvyPanda. (2020, October 29). The Value of Education. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-value-of-education/

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Is College Worth It?

As economic outcomes for young adults with and without degrees have improved, americans hold mixed views on the value of college, table of contents.

• Labor force trends and economic outcomes for young adults
• Economic outcomes for young men
• Economic outcomes for young women
• Wealth trends for households headed by a young adult
• The importance of a four-year college degree
• Getting a high-paying job without a college degree
• Do Americans think their education prepared them for the workplace?
• Is college worth the cost?
• Acknowledgments
• The American Trends Panel survey methodology
• Current Population Survey methodology
• Survey of Consumer Finances methodology

Pew Research Center conducted this study to better understand public views on the importance of a four-year college degree. The study also explores key trends in the economic outcomes of young adults among those who have and have not completed a four-year college degree.

The analysis in this report is based on three data sources. The labor force, earnings, hours, household income and poverty characteristics come from the U.S. Census Bureau’s Annual Social and Economic Supplement of the Current Population Survey. The findings on net worth are based on the Federal Reserve’s Survey of Consumer Finances.

The data on public views on the value of a college degree was collected as part of a Center survey of 5,203 U.S. adults conducted Nov. 27 to Dec. 3, 2023. Everyone who took part in the survey is a member of Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. Address-based sampling ensures that nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. Read more about the ATP’s methodology .

Here are the questions used for this report , along with responses, and the survey’s methodology .

Young adults refers to Americans ages 25 to 34.

Noncollege adults include those who have some college education as well as those who graduated from high school but did not attend college. Adults who have not completed high school are not included in the analysis of noncollege adults. About 6% of young adults have not completed high school. Trends in some labor market outcomes for those who have not finished high school are impacted by changes in the foreign-born share of the U.S. population. The Census data used in this analysis did not collect information on nativity before 1994.

Some college includes those with an associate degree and those who attended college but did not obtain a degree.

The some college or less population refers to adults who have some college education, those with a high school diploma only and those who did not graduate high school.

A full-time, full-year worker works at least 50 weeks per year and usually 35 hours a week or more.

The labor force includes all who are employed and those who are unemployed but looking for work.

The labor force participation rate is the share of a population that is in the labor force.

Young adults living independently refers to those who are not living in the home of either of their parents.

Household income is the sum of incomes received by all members of the household ages 15 and older. Income is the sum of earnings from work, capital income such as interest and dividends, rental income, retirement income, and transfer income (such as government assistance) before payments for such things as personal income taxes, Social Security and Medicare taxes, union dues, etc. Non-cash transfers such as food stamps, health benefits, subsidized housing and energy assistance are not included. As household income is pretax, it does not include stimulus payments or tax credits for earned income and children/dependent care.

Net worth, or wealth, is the difference between the value of what a household owns (assets) and what it owes (debts).

All references to party affiliation include those who lean toward that party. Republicans include those who identify as Republicans and those who say they lean toward the Republican Party. Democrats include those who identify as Democrats and those who say they lean toward the Democratic Party.

At a time when many Americans are questioning the value of a four-year college degree, economic outcomes for young adults without a degree are improving.

After decades of falling wages, young U.S. workers (ages 25 to 34) without a bachelor’s degree have seen their earnings increase over the past 10 years. Their overall wealth has gone up too, and fewer are living in poverty today.

Things have also improved for young college graduates over this period. As a result, the gap in earnings between young adults with and without a college degree has not narrowed.

The public has mixed views on the importance of having a college degree, and many have doubts about whether the cost is worth it, according to a new Pew Research Center survey.

• Only one-in-four U.S. adults say it’s extremely or very important to have a four-year college degree in order to get a well-paying job in today’s economy. About a third (35%) say a college degree is somewhat important, while 40% say it’s not too or not at all important.
• Roughly half (49%) say it’s less important to have a four-year college degree today in order to get a well-paying job than it was 20 years ago; 32% say it’s more important, and 17% say it’s about as important as it was 20 years ago.
• Only 22% say the cost of getting a four-year college degree today is worth it even if someone has to take out loans. Some 47% say the cost is worth it only if someone doesn’t have to take out loans. And 29% say the cost is not worth it.

These findings come amid rising tuition costs and mounting student debt . Views on the cost of college differ by Americans’ level of education. But even among four-year college graduates, only about a third (32%) say college is worth the cost even if someone has to take out loans – though they are more likely than those without a degree to say this.

Four-year college graduates (58%) are much more likely than those without a college degree (26%) to say their education was extremely or very useful in giving them the skills and knowledge they needed to get a well-paying job. (This finding excludes the 9% of respondents who said this question did not apply to them.)

Views on the importance of college differ widely by partisanship. Republicans and Republican-leaning independents are more likely than Democrats and Democratic leaners to say:

• It’s not too or not at all important to have a four-year college degree in order to get a well-paying job (50% of Republicans vs. 30% of Democrats)
• A college degree is less important now than it was 20 years ago (57% vs. 43%)
• It’s extremely or very likely someone without a four-year college degree can get a well-paying job (42% vs. 26%)

At the same time that the public is expressing doubts about the value of college, a new Center analysis of government data finds young adults without a college degree are doing better on some key measures than they have in recent years.

A narrow majority of workers ages 25 to 34 do not have a four-year college degree (54% in 2023). Earnings for these young workers mostly trended downward from the mid-1970s until roughly a decade ago.

Outcomes have been especially poor for young men without a college degree. Other research has shown that this group saw falling labor force participation and sagging earnings starting in the early 1970s , but the last decade has marked a turning point.

This analysis looks at young men and young women separately because of their different experiences in the labor force.

Trends for young men

• Labor force participation: The share of young men without a college degree who were working or looking for work dropped steadily from 1970 until about 2014. Our new analysis suggests things have stabilized somewhat for this group over the past decade. Meanwhile, labor force participation among young men with a four-year degree has remained mostly flat.
• Full-time, full-year employment: The share of employed young men without a college degree who are working full time and year-round has varied somewhat over the years – trending downward during recessions. It’s risen significantly since the Great Recession of 2007-09, with the exception of a sharp dip in 2021 due to the COVID-19 pandemic. For employed young men with a college degree, the share working full time, full year has remained more stable over the years.

• Median annual earnings: Since 2014, earnings have risen for young men with some college education and for those whose highest attainment is a high school diploma. Even so, earnings for these groups remain below where they were in the early 1970s. Earnings for young men with a bachelor’s degree have also trended up, for the most part, over the past 10 years.
• Poverty: Among young men without a college degree who are living independently from their parents, the share in poverty has fallen significantly over the last decade. For example, 12% of young men with a high school diploma were living in poverty in 2023, down from a peak of 17% in 2011. The share of young men with a four-year college degree who are in poverty has also fallen and remains below that of noncollege young men.

Trends for young women

• Labor force participation: The shares of young women with and without a college degree in the labor force grew steadily from 1970 to about 1990. Among those without a college degree, the share fell after 2000, and the drop-off was especially sharp for young women with a high school diploma. Since 2014, labor force participation for both groups of young women has increased.
• Full-time, full-year employment: The shares of employed young women working full time and year-round, regardless of their educational attainment, have steadily increased over the decades. There was a decline during and after the Great Recession and again (briefly) in 2021 due to the pandemic. Today, the shares of women working full time, full year are the highest they’ve ever been across education levels.

• Median annual earnings: Median earnings for young women without a college degree were relatively flat from 1970 until about a decade ago. These women did not experience the steady decline in earnings that noncollege young men did over this period. By contrast, earnings have grown over the decades for young women with a college degree. In the past 10 years, earnings for women both with and without a college degree have risen.
• Poverty: As is the case for young men without a college degree, the share of noncollege young women living in poverty has fallen substantially over the past decade. In 2014, 31% of women with a high school diploma who lived independently from their parents were in poverty. By 2023, that share had fallen to 21%. Young women with a college degree remain much less likely to be in poverty than their counterparts with less education.

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From businesses and banks to colleges and churches: americans’ views of u.s. institutions, fewer young men are in college, especially at 4-year schools, key facts about u.s. latinos with graduate degrees, private, selective colleges are most likely to use race, ethnicity as a factor in admissions decisions, most popular, report materials.

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More From Forbes

The evolving value of higher education: costs, debt, and career paths.

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LONDON, ENGLAND - JULY 15: Students throw their caps in the air ahead of their graduation ceremony ... [+] at the Royal Festival Hall on July 15, 2014 in London, England. (Photo by Dan Kitwood/Getty Images)

The job market is evolving rapidly. More rapidly than I can even keep up with. Last year, I left a career in finance, healthcare, and digital publishing to dive into the world of higher education, and I've been able to see first-hand how quickly things are evolving in this industry.

For instance, did you know that Gen Z is actively moving toward blue-collar careers because of the rising cost of education and increased burden of student debt? Because of these factors (among many others), people are questioning if the value of higher education is there anymore.

Just last year, the World Economic Forum did a study that showed many Americans think college degrees are less relevant now (and too expensive). It also showed that only 37.1% of 25 to 44-year-olds in the United States hold a bachelor's degree. Additionally, roughly 33% of students drop out before completing their degrees.

The Rising Cost of College

Over the past few decades, the cost of higher education has soared. According to the College Board , the average annual tuition for a four-year, public university in the 2022-2023 academic year was 11,260 for in-state students and 29,150 for out-of-state students (a 2.5% and 3% increase, respectively, before adjusting for inflation).

For private universities, the average tuition was a staggering $41,540 per year. These figures do not include additional expenses such as room, board, and textbooks, which can add several thousand dollars to the total cost.

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That means for a traditional, four-year-degree, you're looking at a cost in the neighborhood of $44,000 to over $160,000 (depending on where you go, and for what degree).

Impact of Student Debt

As a result of these rising costs, student debt has become a significant financial burden for many graduates. According to the Federal Reserve, the total student loan debt in the United States reached $1.73 trillion in 2023, with the average borrower owing around $37,000. That number came down a bit when looking at the first quarter of 2024, where student loan debt sat at $1.6 trillion.

This debt can have long-term implications, affecting students' ability to make financial moves like buying homes, starting families, and saving for retirement.

Evaluating the ROI of a College Degree

Despite the high costs, many still believe that a college degree is a worthwhile investment. In fact, the New York Fed did research last year to show that the average ROI on a bachelor's degree was about 14% — which significantly exceeds the ROI of something like an index fund in most years.

Additionally, a recent report by Inside Higher Ed indicated that about 83% of colleges provide a minimum economic return, meaning their graduates earn enough to recoup their college investment within ten years. This percentage is even higher for public institutions.

The key to understanding its value lies in evaluating the ROI, which involves comparing the costs of obtaining a degree with the financial benefits it provides over a lifetime.

Earnings Premium

One of the primary arguments in favor of higher education is the earnings premium it provides. According to data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) , individuals with a bachelor's degree earn, on average, 1,305 per week, compared to $781 per week for those with only a high school diploma. Over a 40-year career, this translates to a difference of more than 1 million in lifetime earnings.

Unemployment Rates

Higher education also correlates with lower unemployment rates. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) , as of May 2024, the unemployment rate for individuals with a bachelor's degree or higher is 2.0%, compared to 4.1% for those with only a high school diploma. This job security can be an important factor in the long-term financial stability of degree holders.

Factors Influencing the ROI

While the earnings premium and lower unemployment rates suggest that a college degree can be financially beneficial, you have to remember that the ROI of higher education is not uniform across all fields of study and institutions. There are several factors that influence the financial return on a degree:

Field of Study

The choice of major significantly impacts the ROI of a college degree. STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) fields typically offer higher starting salaries and greater lifetime earnings compared to majors in the arts, humanities, or social sciences.

For example, a report by Georgetown University's Center on Education and the Workforce found that engineering majors had a median annual salary of $85,000, while those with degrees in the arts earned a median salary of $49,000.

Institution Type and Reputation

The type and reputation of the institution also play a critical role in determining the return on investment. Graduates from prestigious universities like Harvard and Yale often have access to better job opportunities and higher salaries.

In fact, according to recent data from Harvard Business School , the median base salary for Harvard MBA graduates is $175,000, with additional signing and performance bonuses significantly boosting their total compensation packages.

Additionally, Yale School of Management graduates also report a median base salary of $175,000, with regional variations showing even higher median salaries in certain parts of the U.S.

However, these institutions also tend to have higher tuition costs. For the 2024-2025 academic year, Yale's undergraduate tuition is $67,250 , with total costs including housing and meals reaching 56,550, with total costs including housing, food, and other fees amounting to $82,866.

So, it's extremely important to weigh the potential earnings benefits against the increased costs of attending a top-tier school. Not to mention how difficult and time-consuming applying for and getting into these types of schools is.

Geographic Location

Where you live can influence both the cost of education and the potential earnings. For example, colleges and universities in urban areas tend to have higher tuition fees, but graduates may also find better-paying job opportunities in these locations.

On the other hand, going to a lower-cost college or university in a more rural area might limit job prospects but reduce overall educational expenses (depending on where you go).

For example, I went to two different colleges —- I started at Ohio University, which is located in Athens, Ohio. It's what I'd consider to be a "college town," otherwise in the middle of nowhere, and unless you're working for the university, there aren't many job opportunities there.

I finished my degree and my MBA at Cleveland State University, however. While a lesser-known school, it was located in the heart of downtown Cleveland, surrounded by local, national, and international employers. So there were far more options for me there.

The return on investment of higher education is a complex and multifaceted issue. While a college degree often leads to higher earnings individually and lower unemployment rates economically, the financial benefits can vary widely, based on factors like your field of study, institution type, and geographic location. Additionally, the rising cost of tuition and the burden of student debt can't be overlooked.

For those considering higher education, it's important to do thorough research and carefully evaluate the potential financial outcomes. Exploring alternative education paths can also provide viable options for achieving financial success without the seemingly massive expense of a traditional four-year degree.

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• Student Success
• The College Experience

Report: Belonging a Key Factor in Student Retention

A newly released literature review from the Institute for Higher Education Policy highlights the role of student experience and belonging on college student success—and offers suggestions for how this could be applied practically to campuses.

By  Ashley Mowreader

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A student’s feelings of belonging in the classroom and on campus are tied to their academic outcomes, plus graduation rates and mental health, according to a new brief.

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Despite colleges and universities enrolling more diverse student populations now than ever before, there continue to be inequities in completion and retention.

Belonging and student experience are two key factors to student retention and completion, particularly for students from historically minoritized backgrounds, and investing in these kinds of interventions can help them get across the finish line, says Diane Cheng, vice president of research and policy at the Institute for Higher Education Policy.

A new brief from IHEP highlights belonging and student experience–focused interventions with proven outcomes in aiding academic achievement, supporting student mental health and promoting completion of postsecondary degrees.

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Across the institution: A student’s sense of belonging is their sense of being connected, academically and socially, to their community, according to the report. The student experience, or the day-to-day experiences students have on campus and with the institution, can include interactions and communications between instructors, administrators, staff and peers.

Prior research shows the value of belonging in student retention, engagement and graduation, and this is particularly true for students from historically minoritized backgrounds who may face additional barriers to connection, community and positive experiences on campus.

Often, belonging interventions are implemented at the institutional level, but the work can be supported by federal policymakers, Cheng says. This can be done by providing institutions with the resources to scale and evaluate initiatives through the Post-Secondary Student Success Grant or by implementing the Postsecondary Student Success Recognition program.

“Completion is an important stepping-stone to postsecondary outcomes,” Cheng says.

In the classroom: As a faculty member at the University of New Mexico, Sushilla Knottenbelt has seen how a focus on belonging and students’ experiences improve learning, engagement and motivation among her students.

Since shifting practices to be more student-focused, Knottenbelt has seen higher levels of engagement from her students in asking course-related questions and seeking help, and she’s experienced more interpersonal connection with learners.

“Teaching in a way that pays attention to the student experience connects you to the students in a fundamental way that speaks to the human experience,” says Knottenbelt, a professor of chemistry and biochemistry.

Additionally, in her introductory general chemistry courses, Knottenbelt is able to cover more material and introduce more concepts than ever before, which she attributes to creating a culture of growth that elevates the impact of her active teaching and other pedagogical strategies.

“The focus on belonging and mindset, for me, has allowed me to set the environment where all those other practices can be effective,” Knottenbelt says.

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Students are also generally receptive to the belonging interventions, and these habits carry with them from one course to another, helping them persist throughout their time at the university.

The how-to: To promote student success, according to Cheng and Knottenbelt, higher education practitioners and administrators can:

• Rephrase language around academic probation. Students who hold a 2.0 GPA or lower are often placed on academic probation , which may cause them to stop out or not finish their degree program. Colleges that changed communication and messaging around academic probation saw students were more likely to improve their grades and stay enrolled, compared to their peers who received traditional messages. Language can also be modified in the faculty handbook to focus more on recovery and growth than failure and success.
• Promote a growth mindset among learners. Professors and support staff can impact students’ self-perceptions and encourage learning by providing education around growth mindset and how failure is related to learning. Normalizing challenges and helping students see college-level courses are intrinsically difficult are two ways to do this. A study from Washington State University found email communication that encourages a growth mindset and learning skills helped first-generation students earn higher grades.
• Encourage at-risk students. Knottenbelt will email students who are not on track to pass her class to encourage them to try again in the next term, recognizing many of them faced extenuating circumstances that hindered their academics. In her emails, Knottenbelt encourages students to reach out to identify success strategies for the next time they take the course.
• Demystify the hidden curricula of higher education. For first-generation students, in particular, confusing language can impact their retention and success because it is difficult to navigate institutional structures and receive support. Campus leaders should work to decode academic processes to improve students’ feelings of belonging and inclusion.
• Reduce bureaucracy in processes. Streamlining processes such as how to access financial aid or register for courses can also promote retention among college students because they are not facing additional barriers to access.
• Create a community of practice. Administrators should facilitate spaces for faculty and staff members to meet, discuss ideas and work to solve problems together, allowing personnel to learn and reflect among peers. This work could be centered on pedagogy or larger institutional strategies such as data .

Many of these actions involve limited resources and can be applied to a variety of institution types and instruction delivery method. The Student Experience Project also offers resources for faculty members interested in this work, many of them low-lift, Knottenbelt says.

Join a community of higher education leaders and practitioners supporting student success in person this fall. Register for Student Success US here .

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The Mixed Methods Blog

How many students are taking dual enrollment courses in high school new national, state, and college-level data.

Last week, the U.S. Department of Education released new data that, for the first time ever, provide college-level counts of the number of high school dual enrollment students, disaggregated by race/ethnicity and gender. The provisional release of these new data represents years of effort among dozens of organizations pushing for better dual enrollment data. In this post, I detail a first look at this new information.

What is the size and significance of dual enrollment across postsecondary sectors and states?

Nationally, community colleges enrolled the majority of high school dual enrollment students, followed by public four-year and private nonprofit four-year colleges. For community colleges, the 1.78 million high school dual enrollment students represented 21% of total enrollments during the 2022-23 year (8.6 million in total). Two hundred forty thousand high school students took dual enrollment at the 10 largest dual enrollment colleges alone, and of these top 10, eight were community colleges.

As shown below, the size of high school dual enrollment at community colleges differed substantially across states. For example, in Idaho and Indiana, high schoolers represented the majority of community college enrollments in 2022-23, and in eight other states dual enrollment made up a third or more of total community college enrollment. At 37 community colleges across the country, 50% or more of enrollment was from high school dual enrollment.

Compared to undergraduate students overall, how representative are dual enrollment students by race/ethnicity and gender?

Compared to undergraduates overall, Black and Hispanic students were underrepresented nationally in dual enrollment during 2022-23, echoing our previous analysis of national K-12 data. White students were overrepresented in dual enrollment, accounting for 52% of high school dual enrollment compared to 45% of undergraduate enrollment overall (and 44% of K-12 enrollment).

Black students, which made up 13% of undergraduate enrollment and 15% of public K-12 enrollment, comprised only 8% of high school dual enrollment. Black students were underrepresented in dual enrollment in every state except for Massachusetts. And Black students had equal or greater representation in dual enrollment at only 74 community colleges—fewer than one in ten community colleges serving dual enrollment students nationally.

Hispanic/Latino students made up 22% of undergraduate enrollment (and 29% of public K-12 enrollment) but only 20% of high school dual enrollment. Hispanic/Latino students had greater or equal representation in dual enrollment in 18 states and at more than a third of community colleges nationally.

One caveat is that, nationally, more dual enrollment students were reported with unknown race/ethnicity (9%) compared to undergraduates overall (5%), muddying the picture somewhat. Similar to undergraduates overall, men were underrepresented among dual enrollment students nationally (43%).

In the dashboard below, you can select your college or your state and identify the number of dual enrollment students, consider the size of dual enrollment as a percentage of overall undergraduate enrollment, and compare the racial/ethnic and gender representation of dual enrollment students to that of undergraduate enrollments overall.

How does your state compare to others in dual enrollment size and representation?

The top five states for dual enrollment by size—California, Texas, New York, Indiana, and Florida—together reported nearly 900,000 dual enrollments, about a third of dual enrollment nationally. California, Texas, and Florida enrolled the largest numbers of Hispanic or Latino dual enrollment students, and Texas, Florida, and Georgia enrolled the largest numbers of Black dual enrollment students.

In the dashboard below, you can look across states to compare the percentage of dual enrollment as a share of overall undergraduate enrollment (shown in the map), see states ranked in order of the number of high schoolers enrolled in dual enrollment, and compare racial/ethnic composition of dual enrollment across states and to the U.S. overall.

How does participation in dual enrollment vary among colleges in your state?

In the dashboard below, you can look within your state to compare the size and demographic breakdown of dual enrollment students across colleges. Select your state to view all of the postsecondary institutions, the size of their dual enrollment programs, the significance of dual enrollment as a share of their undergraduate headcount, and dual enrollment counts disaggregated by race/ethnicity and gender.

Implications of the new data

Given decades of research documenting the positive benefits of participating in dual enrollment coursework on high school and postsecondary outcomes, the growth of these programs has great potential to expand college and career opportunity for high school students across the country. And yet gaps in access to dual enrollment for Black, Hispanic, low-income, and other underserved groups persist in preventing these programs from fully realizing their potential. But, as we have learned in our dual enrollment equity pathways research, it is not only possible to broaden the benefits of dual enrollment but also increasingly important for college business models to rethink the conventional approach, sometimes described as “programs of privilege” or “random acts” of dual enrollment. These new data can help to motivate and guide reform efforts by providing public, college- and state-level, disaggregated data for practitioners and policymakers seeking to rethink dual enrollment as a more equitable and effective on-ramp to career-path postsecondary education for students.

About the author

John Fink is a senior research associate and program lead at the Community College Research Center.

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How the Diploma Divide Is Remaking American Politics

Education is at the heart of this country’s many divisions..

Blue America is an increasingly wealthy and well-educated place.

Throughout the second half of the 20th century, Americans without college degrees were more likely than university graduates to vote Democratic. But that gap began narrowing in the late 1960s before finally flipping in 2004 .

John F. Kennedy lost college-educated voters by a two-to-one margin yet won the presidency thanks to overwhelming support among white voters without a degree. Sixty years later, our second Catholic president charted a much different path to the White House, losing non-college-educated whites by a two-to-one margin while securing 60 percent of the college-educated vote. The latest New York Times /Siena poll of the 2022 midterms showed this pattern holding firm, with Democrats winning 55 percent of voters with bachelor’s degrees but only 39 percent of those without.

A more educated Democratic coalition is, naturally, a more affluent one. In every presidential election from 1948 to 2012, white voters in the top 5 percent of America’s income distribution were more Republican than those in the bottom 95 percent. Now, the opposite is true: Among America’s white majority, the rich voted to the left of the middle class and the poor in 2016 and 2020, while the poor voted to the right of the middle class and the rich.

In political-science parlance, the collapse of the New Deal–era alignment — in which voters’ income levels strongly predicted their partisan preference — is often referred to as “class dealignment.” The increasing tendency for politics to divide voters along educational lines, meanwhile, is known as “education polarization.”

There are worse things for a political coalition to be than affluent or educated. Professionals vote and donate at higher rates than blue-collar workers. But college graduates also comprise a minority of the electorate — and an underrepresented minority at that. America’s electoral institutions all give disproportionate influence to parts of the country with low levels of educational attainment. And this is especially true of the Senate . Therefore, if the coalitional trends of the past half-century continue unabated — and Democrats keep gaining college-educated votes at the expense of working-class ones — the party will find itself locked out of federal power. Put differently, such a development would put an increasingly authoritarian GOP on the glide path to political dominance.

And unless education polarization is substantially reversed , progressives are likely to continue seeing their reform ambitions pared back sharply by Congress’s upper chamber, even when Democrats manage to control it.

These realities have generated a lively intra-Democratic debate over the causes and implications of class dealignment. To some pundits , consultants, and data journalists , the phenomenon’s fundamental cause is the cultural divide between educated professionals and the working class. In their telling, college graduates in general — and Democratic college graduates in particular — tend to have different social values, cultural sensibilities, and issue priorities than the median non-college-educated voter. As the New York Times ’s Nate Cohn puts the point, college graduates tend to be more cosmopolitan and culturally liberal, report higher levels of social trust, and are more likely to “attribute racial inequality, crime, and poverty to complex structural and systemic problems” rather than “individualist and parochial explanations.”

What’s more, since blue America’s journalists, politicians, and activists are overwhelmingly college graduates, highly educated liberals exert disproportionate influence over their party’s actions and identity. Therefore, as the Democrats’ well-credentialed wing has swelled, the party’s image and ideological positioning have grown more reflective of the professional class’s distinct tastes — and thus less appealing to the electorate’s working-class majority.

This theory does not sit well with all Democratic journalists, politicians, and activists. Some deny the existence of a diploma divide on cultural values, while others insist on its limited political salience. Many progressives attribute class dealignment to America’s pathological racial politics and/or the Democrats’ failures of economic governance . In this account, the New Deal coalition was unmade by a combination of a backlash to Black Americans’ growing prominence in Democratic politics and the Democratic Party’s failures to prevent its former working-class base from suffering decades of stagnant living standards and declining life expectancy .

An appreciation of these developments is surely indispensable for understanding class dealignment in the United States. But they don’t tell the whole story. Education polarization is not merely an American phenomenon; it is a defining feature of contemporary politics in nearly every western democracy . It is therefore unlikely that our nation’s white-supremacist history can fully explain the development. And though center-left parties throughout the West have shared some common failings, these inadequacies cannot tell us why many working-class voters have not merely dropped out of politics but rather begun voting for parties even more indifferent to their material interests.

In my view, education polarization cannot be understood without a recognition of the values divide between educated professionals and working people in the aggregate. That divide is rooted in each class’s disparate ways of life, economic imperatives, socialization experiences, and levels of material security. By itself, the emergence of this gap might not have been sufficient to trigger class dealignment, but its adverse political implications have been greatly exacerbated by the past half-century of inequitable growth, civic decline, and media fragmentation.

The college-educated population has distinct ideological tendencies and psychological sensibilities.

Educated professionals tend to be more socially liberal than the general public. In fact, the correlation between high levels of educational attainment and social liberalism is among the most robust in political science. As early as the 1950s, researchers documented the tendency of college graduates to espouse more progressive views than the general public on civil liberties and gender roles. In the decades since, as the political scientist Elizabeth Simon writes , this correlation has held up with “remarkable geographical and temporal consistency.” Across national boundaries and generations, voters with college degrees have been more likely than those without to support legal abortion, LGBTQ+ causes, the rights of racial minorities, and expansive immigration. They are also more likely to hold “post-material” policy priorities — which is to say, to prioritize issues concerning individual autonomy, cultural values, and big-picture social goals above those concerning one’s immediate material and physical security. This penchant is perhaps best illustrated by the highly educated’s distinctively strong support for environmental causes, even in cases when ecological preservation comes at a cost to economic growth.

Underlying these disparate policy preferences are distinct psychological profiles. The college educated are more likely to espouse moral values and attitudes associated with the personality trait “ openness to experience .” High “openness” individuals are attracted to novelty, skeptical of traditional authority, and prize personal freedom and cultural diversity. “Closed” individuals, by contrast, have an aversion to the unfamiliar and are therefore attracted to moral principles that promote certainty, order, and security. Virtually all human beings fall somewhere between these two ideal types. But the college educated as a whole are closer to the “open” end of the continuum than the general public is.

All of these distinctions between more- and less-educated voters are probabilistic, not absolute. There are Catholic theocrats with Harvard Ph.D.’s and anarchists who dropped out of high school. A nation the size of the U.S. is surely home to many millions of working-class social liberals and well-educated reactionaries. Political attitudes do not proceed automatically from any demographic characteristic, class position, or psychological trait. At the individual level, ideology is shaped by myriad historical inheritances and social experiences.

And yet, if people can come by socially liberal, “high openness” politics from any walk of life, they are much more likely to do so if that walk cuts across a college campus. (And, of course, they are even more likely to harbor this distinct psychological and ideological profile if they graduate from college and then choose to become professionally involved in Democratic politics.)

The path to the professional class veers left.

There are a few theoretical explanations for this. One holds that spending your late adolescence on a college campus tends to socialize you into cultural liberalism: Through some combination of increased exposure to people from a variety of geographic backgrounds, or the iconoclastic ethos of a liberal-arts education, or the predominantly left-of-center university faculty , or the substantive content of curricula, people tend to leave college with a more cosmopolitan and “open” worldview than they had upon entering.

Proving this theory is difficult since doing so requires controlling for selection effects. Who goes to college is not determined by random chance. The subset of young people who have the interests, aptitudes, and opportunities necessary for pursuing higher education have distinct characteristics long before they show up on campus. Some social scientists contend that such “selection effects” entirely explain the distinct political tendencies of college graduates. After all, the “high openness” personality trait is associated with higher IQs and more interest in academics. So perhaps attending college doesn’t lead people to develop culturally liberal sensibilities so much as developing culturally liberal sensibilities leads people to go to college.

Some research has tried to account for this possibility. Political scientists in the United Kingdom have managed to control for the preadult views and backgrounds of college graduates by exploiting surveys that tracked the same respondents through adolescence and into adulthood. Two recent analyses of such data have found that the college experience does seem to directly increase a person’s likelihood of becoming more socially liberal in their 20s than they were in their teens.

A separate study from the U.S. sought to control for the effects of familial background and childhood experiences by examining the disparate “sociopolitical” attitudes of sibling pairs in which one went to college while the other did not. It found that attending college was associated with greater “support for civil liberties and egalitarian gender-role beliefs.”

Other recent research , however, suggests that even these study designs may fail to control for all of the background factors that bias college attendees toward liberal views before they arrive on campus. So we have some good evidence that attending college directly makes people more culturally liberal, but that evidence is not entirely conclusive.

Yet if one posits that higher education does not produce social liberals but merely attracts them, a big theoretical problem remains: Why has the population of social liberals increased in tandem with that of college graduates?

The proportion of millennials who endorse left-wing views on issues of race, gender, immigration , and the environment is higher than the proportion of boomers who do so. And such views are more prevalent within the baby-boom generation than they were among the Silent Generation. This cannot be explained merely as a consequence of America’s burgeoning racial diversity, since similar generational patterns have been observed in European nations with lower rates of ethnic change. But the trend is consistent with another component of demographic drift: Each successive generation has had a higher proportion of college graduates than its predecessor. Between 1950 and 2019, the percentage of U.S. adults with bachelor’s degrees increased from 4 percent to 33 percent.  

Perhaps rising college attendance did not directly cause the “high-openness,” post-material, culturally progressive proportion of the population to swell. But then, what did?

One possibility is that, even if mass college attendance does not directly promote the development of “high openness” values, the mass white-collar economy does. If socially liberal values are well suited to the demands and lifeways inherent to professional employment in a globally integrated economy, then, as such employment expands, we would expect a larger share of the population to adopt socially liberal values. And there is indeed reason to think the professional vocation lends itself to social liberalism.

Entering the professional class often requires not only a four-year degree, but also, a stint in graduate school or a protracted period of overwork and undercompensation at the lowest ranks of one’s field. This gives the class’s aspirants a greater incentive to postpone procreation until later in life than the median worker. That in turn may give them a heightened incentive to favor abortion rights and liberal sexual mores.

The demands of the professional career may influence value formation in other ways. As a team of political scientists from Harvard and the University of Bonn argued in a 2020 paper , underlying the ideological divide between social liberals and conservatives may be a divergence in degrees of “moral universalism,” i.e., “the extent to which people’s altruism and trust remain constant as social distance increases.” Conservatives tend to feel stronger obligations than liberals to their own kin and neighbors and their religious, ethnic, and racial groups. Liberals, by contrast, tend to spread their altruism and trust thinner across a wider sphere of humanity; they are less compelled by the particularist obligations of inherited group loyalties and more apt to espouse a universalist ethos in which all individuals are of equal moral concern, irrespective of their group attachments.

Given that pursuing a professional career often requires leaving one’s native community and entering meritocratic institutions that are ideologically and legally committed to the principle that group identities matter less than individual aptitudes, the professional vocation may favor the development of a morally universalistic outlook — and thus more progressive views on questions of anti-discrimination and weaker identification with inherited group identities.

Further, in a globalized era, white-collar workers will often need to work with colleagues on other continents and contemplate social and economic developments in far-flung places. This may encourage both existing and aspiring professionals to develop more cosmopolitan outlooks.

Critically, parents who are themselves professionals — or who aspire for their children to secure a place in the educated, white-collar labor force — may seek to inculcate these values in their kids from a young age. For example, my own parents sent me to a magnet elementary school where students were taught Japanese starting in kindergarten. This curriculum was designed to appeal to parents concerned with their children’s capacity to thrive in the increasingly interconnected (and, in the early 1990s American imagination, increasingly Japanese-dominated) economy of tomorrow.

In this way, the expansion of the white-collar sector may increase the prevalence of “high-openness” cosmopolitan traits and values among rising generations long before they arrive on campus.

More material security, more social liberalism.

Ronald Inglehart’s theory of “ cultural evolution ” provides a third, complementary explanation for both the growing prevalence of social liberalism over the past half-century and for that ideology’s disproportionate popularity among the college educated.

In Inglehart’s account, people who experience material security in youth tend to develop distinctive values and preferences from those who do not: If childhood teaches you to take your basic material needs for granted, you’re more likely to develop culturally progressive values and post-material policy priorities.

Inglehart first formulated this theory in 1971 to explain the emerging cultural gap between the baby boomers and their parents. He noted that among western generations born before World War II, very large percentages had known hunger at some point in their formative years. The Silent Generation, for its part, had come of age in an era of economic depression and world wars. Inglehart argued that such pervasive material and physical insecurity was unfavorable soil for social liberalism: Under conditions of scarcity, human beings have a strong inclination to defer to established authority and tradition, to distrust out-groups, and to prize order and material security above self-expression and individual autonomy.

But westerners born into the postwar boom encountered a very different world from the Depression-wracked, war-torn one of their parents, let alone the cruel and unforgiving one encountered by common agriculturalists since time immemorial. Their world was one of rapid and widespread income growth. And these unprecedentedly prosperous conditions engendered a shift in the postwar generation’s values: When the boomers reached maturity, an exceptionally large share of the cohort evinced post-material priorities and espoused tolerance for out-groups, support for gender equality, concern for the environment, and antipathy for social hierarchies.

Since this transformation in values wasn’t rooted merely in the passage of time — but rather in the experience of abundance — it did not impact all social classes equally. Educated professionals are disproportionately likely to have had stable, middle-class childhoods. Thus, across the West, the post-material minority was disproportionately composed of college graduates in general and elite ones in particular. As Inglehart reported in 1981 , “among those less than 35 years old with jobs that lead to top management and top civil-service posts, Post-Materialists outnumber Materialists decisively: their numerical preponderance here is even greater than it is among students.”  

As with most big-picture models of political development, Inglehart’s theory is reductive and vulnerable to myriad objections. But his core premise — that, all else being equal, material abundance favors social liberalism while scarcity favors the opposite — has much to recommend it. As the World Values Survey has demonstrated, a nation’s degree of social liberalism (a.k.a. “self-expression values”) tightly correlates with its per-capita income. Meanwhile, as nations become wealthier, each successive generation tends to become more socially liberal than the previous one.

Critically, the World Values Survey data does not show an ineluctable movement toward ever-greater levels of social liberalism. Rather, when nations backslide economically, their populations’ progressivism declines. In the West, recessions have tended to reduce the prevalence of post-material values and increase support for xenophobic parties. But the relationship between material security and cultural liberalism is demonstrated most starkly by the experience of ex-communist states, many of which suffered a devastating collapse in living standards following the Soviet Union’s fall. In Russia and much of Eastern Europe, popular support for culturally progressive values plummeted around 1990 and has remained depressed ever since.

Inglehart’s theory offers real insights. As an account of education polarization, however, it presents a bit of a puzzle: If material security is the key driver of social liberalism, why have culture wars bifurcated electorates along lines of education instead of income? Put differently: Despite the material security provided by a high salary, when one controls for educational attainment, having a high income remains strongly associated with voting for conservatives.

One way to resolve this tension is to stipulate that the first two theories of education polarization we examined are also right: While material security is conducive to social liberalism, the college experience and demands of professional-class vocations are perhaps even more so. Thus, high-income voters who did not go to college will tend to be less socially liberal than those who did.

Separately, earning a high income is strongly associated with holding conservative views on fiscal policy. Therefore, even if the experience of material security biases high-income voters toward left-of-center views on cultural issues, their interest in low taxes may nevertheless compel them to vote for right-wing parties.

Voters with high levels of education but low incomes, meanwhile, are very often children of the middle class who made dumb career choices like, say, going into journalism. Such voters’ class backgrounds would theoretically bias them toward a socially liberal orientation, while their meager earnings would give them little reason to value conservative fiscal policy. Perhaps for this reason, “ high-education low-income voters ” are among the most reliably left-wing throughout the western world.

In any case, whatever qualifications and revisions we would wish to make to Inglehart’s theory, one can’t deny its prescience. In 1971, Inglehart forecast that intergenerational value change would redraw the lines of political conflict throughout the West. In his telling, the emergence of a novel value orientation that was disproportionately popular with influential elites would naturally shift the terrain of political conflict. And it would do so in a manner that undermined materialist, class-based voting: If conventional debates over income distribution pulled at the affluent right and the working-class left, the emerging cultural disputes pulled each in the opposite direction.

This proved to be, in the words of Gabriel Almond, “one of the few examples of successful prediction in political science.”

When the culture wars moved to the center of politics, the college educated moved left.

Whether we attribute the social liberalism of college graduates to their experiences on campus, their class’s incentive structures, their relative material security, or a combination of all three, a common set of predictions about western political development follows.

First, we would expect to see the political salience of cultural conflicts start to increase in the 1960s and ’70s as educated professionals became a mass force in western politics. Second, relatedly, we would expect that the historic correlation between having a college degree and voting for the right would start gradually eroding around the same time, owing to the heightened prominence of social issues.

Finally, we would expect education polarization to be most pronounced in countries where (1) economic development is most advanced (and thus the professional sector is most expansive) and (2) left-wing and right-wing parties are most sharply divided on cultural questions.

In their paper “Changing Political Cleavages in 21 Western Democracies, 1948–2020,” Amory Gethin, Clara Martínez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty confirm all of these expectations.

The paper analyzes nearly every manifesto (a.k.a. “platform”) put forward by left-wing and right-wing parties in the past 300 elections. As anticipated by Inglehart, the researchers found that right-wing and left-wing parties began to develop distinct positions on “sociocultural” issues in the 1970s and that these distinctions grew steadily more profound over the ensuing 50 years. Thus, the salience of cultural issues did indeed increase just as college graduates became an electorally significant demographic.

As cultural conflict became more prominent, educated professionals became more left-wing. Controlling for other variables, in the mid-20th century, having a college diploma made one more likely to vote for parties of the right. By 2020, in virtually all of the western democracies, this relationship had inverted.

Some popular narratives attribute this realignment to discrete historical events, such as the Cold War’s end, China’s entry into the WTO, or the 2008 crash. But the data show no sudden reversal in education’s political significance. Instead, the authors write, the West saw “a very progressive, continuous reversal of educational divides, which unfolded decades before any of these events took place and has carried on uninterruptedly until today.” This finding is consistent with the notion that class dealignment is driven by gradual changes in western societies’ demographic and economic characteristics, such as the steady expansion of the professional class.

The paper provides further support for the notion that education polarization is a by-product of economic development: The three democracies where college-educated voters have not moved sharply to the left in recent decades — Ireland, Portugal, and Spain — are all relative latecomers to industrialization.

Finally, and perhaps most important, the authors established a strong correlation between “sociocultural polarization” — the degree to which right-wing and left-wing parties emphasize sharply divergent cultural positions — and education polarization. In other words: Countries where parties are highly polarized on social issues tend to have electorates that are highly polarized along educational lines.

It seems reasonable then to conclude (1) that there really is a cultural divide between educated professionals and the working class in the aggregate and (2) that this gap has been a key driver of class dealignment. Indeed, if we accept the reality of the diploma divide, then an increase of education-based voting over the past 50 years would seem almost inevitable: If you have two social groups with distinct cultural values and one group goes from being 4 percent of the electorate to 35 percent of it, debates about those values will probably become more politically prominent.

And of course, mass higher education wasn’t the only force increasing the salience of social conflict in the West over the past half-century. If economic development increased the popularity of “post-material” values, it also made it easier for marginalized groups to contest traditional hierarchies. As job opportunities for women expanded, they became less dependent on the patriarchal family for material security and thus were more liable to challenge it. As racial minorities secured a foothold in the middle class, they had more resources with which to fight discrimination.

And yet, if an increase in sociocultural polarization — and thus in education polarization — is a foregone conclusion, the magnitude of these shifts can’t be attributed to the existence of cultural divides alone.

Rather, transformations in the economic, civic, and media landscapes of western society since the 1970s have increased the salience and severity of the diploma divide.

When the postwar bargain collapsed, the center-left failed to secure workers a new deal.

To polarize an electorate around cultural conflicts rooted in education, you don’t just need to increase the salience of social issues. You also need to reduce the salience of material disputes rooted in class. Alas, the economic developments of the past 50 years managed to do both.

The class-based alignment that defined western politics in the mid-20th century emerged from a particular set of economic conditions. In the early stages of industrialization, various factors had heightened the class consciousness of wage laborers. Such workers frequently lived in densely settled, class-segregated neighborhoods in the immediate vicinity of large labor-intensive plants. This close proximity cultivated solidarity, as divisions between the laborer’s working and social worlds were few. And the vast scale of industrial enterprises abetted organizing drives, as trade unions could rapidly gain scale by winning over a single shop.

By encouraging their members to view politics through the lens of class and forcing political elites to reckon with workers’ demands, strong trade unions helped to keep questions of income distribution and workers’ rights at the center of political debate and the forefront of voters’ minds. In so doing, they also helped to win western workers in general — and white male ones in particular — unprecedented shares of national income.

But this bargain between business and labor had always been contingent on robust growth. In the postwar era of rising productivity, it was possible for profits and wages to increase in tandem. But in the 1970s, western economies came under stress. Rising energy costs and global competition thinned profit margins, rendering business owners more hostile to labor’s demands both within the shop and in politics. Stagflation — the simultaneous appearance of high unemployment and high inflation — gave an opening to right-wing critics of the postwar order, who argued that the welfare state and pro-labor macroeconomic policies had sapped productivity.

Meanwhile, various long-term economic trends began undermining industrial unionism. Automation inevitably reduced the labor intensity of factories in the West. The advent of the shipping container eased the logistical burdens of globalizing production, while the industrialization of low-wage developing countries increased the incentives for doing so. Separately, as western consumers grew more affluent, they began spending less of their income on durable goods and more on services like health care (one needs only so many toasters, but the human desire for greater longevity and physical well-being is nigh-insatiable). These developments reduced both the economic leverage and the political weight of industrial workers. And since western service sectors had lower rates of unionization, deindustrialization weakened organized labor.

All this presented center-left parties with a difficult challenge. In the face of deindustrialization, an increasingly anti-labor corporate sector, an increasingly conservative economic discourse, an embattled union movement, and a globalizing economy, such parties needed to formulate new models for achieving shared prosperity. And they had to do so while managing rising cultural tensions within their coalitions.

They largely failed.

Countering the postindustrial economy’s tendencies toward inequality would have required radical reforms. Absent policies promoting the unionization of the service sector, deindustrialization inevitably weakened labor. Absent drastic changes in the allocation of posttax income, automation and globalization redistributed economic gains away from “low skill” workers and toward the most productive — or well-situated — professionals, executives, and entrepreneurs.

The United States had more power than any western nation to standardize such reforms and establish a relatively egalitarian postindustrial model. Yet the Democratic Party could muster neither the political will nor the imagination to do so. Instead, under Jimmy Carter, it acquiesced to various policies that reinforced the postindustrial economy’s tendencies toward inequality, while outsourcing key questions of economic management to financial markets and the Federal Reserve. The Reagan administration took this inegalitarian and depoliticized model of economic governance to new extremes. And to highly varying degrees, its inequitable and market-fundamentalist creed influenced the policies of future U.S. administrations and other western governments.

As a result, the past five decades witnessed a great divergence in the economic fortunes of workers with and without college diplomas, while the western working class (a.k.a. the “lower middle class”) became the primary “losers” of globalization .

The center-left parties’ failures to avert a decline in the economic security and status of ordinary workers discredited them with much of their traditional base. And their failure to reinvigorate organized labor undermined the primary institutions that politicize workers into a progressive worldview. These shortcomings, combined with the market’s increasingly dominant role in economic management, reduced the political salience of left-right divides on economic policy. This in turn gave socially conservative working-class voters fewer reasons to vote for center-left parties and gave affluent social liberals fewer reasons to oppose them. In western nations where organized labor remains relatively strong (such as Norway, Sweden, and Finland), education polarization has been relatively mild, while in those countries where it is exceptionally weak (such as the United States), the phenomenon has been especially pronounced.

Finally, the divergent economic fortunes of workers and professionals might have abetted education polarization in one other way: Given that experiencing abundance encourages social liberalism — while experiencing scarcity discourages it — the past half-century of inequitable growth might have deepened cultural divisions between workers with degrees and those without.

The professionalization of civil society estranged the left from its working-class base.

While the evolution of western economies increased the class distance between college graduates and other workers, the evolution of western civil societies increased the social distance between each group.

Back in the mid-20th century, the college educated still constituted a tiny minority of western populations, while mass-membership institutions — from trade unions to fraternal organizations to political parties — still dominated civic life. In that context, an educated professional who wished to exercise political influence often needed to join a local chapter of a cross-class civic association or political party and win election to a leadership position within that organization by securing the confidence of its membership.

That changed once educated professionals became a mass constituency in their own right. As the college-educated population ballooned and concentrated itself within urban centers, it became easier for interest groups to swing elections and pressure lawmakers without securing working-class support. At the same time, the proliferation of “knowledge workers” set off an arms race between interest and advocacy groups looking to influence national legislation and election outcomes. Job opportunities for civic-minded professionals in think tanks, nonprofits, and foundations proliferated. And thanks to growing pools of philanthropic money and the advent of direct-mail fundraising, these organizations could sustain themselves without recruiting an active mass membership.

Thus, the professional’s path to political influence dramatically changed. Instead of working one’s way up through close-knit local groups — and bending them toward one’s political goals through persuasion — professionals could join (or donate to) nationally oriented advocacy groups already aligned with their preferences, which could then advance their policy aims by providing legislators with expert guidance and influencing public opinion through media debates.

As the political scientist Theda Skocpol demonstrates in her book Diminished Democracy , college graduates began defecting from mass-membership civic organizations in the 1970s, in an exodus that helped precipitate their broader decline.

Combined with the descent of organized labor, the collapse of mass participation in civic groups and political parties untethered the broad left from working-class constituencies. As foundation-funded NGOs displaced trade unions in the progressive firmament, left-wing parties became less directly accountable to their less-educated supporters. This made such parties more liable to embrace the preferences and priorities of educated professionals over those of the median working-class voter.

Meanwhile, in the absence of a thriving civic culture, voters became increasingly reliant on the mass media for their political information.

Today’s media landscape is fertile terrain for right-wing populism.

The dominant media technology of the mid-20th century — broadcast television — favored oligopoly. Given the exorbitant costs of mounting a national television network in that era, the medium was dominated by a small number of networks, each with an incentive to appeal to a broad audience. This discouraged news networks from cultivating cultural controversy while empowering them to establish a broadly shared information environment.

Cable and the internet have molded a radically different media landscape. Today, news outlets compete in a hypersaturated attentional market that encourages both audience specialization and sensationalism. In a world where consumers have abundant infotainment options, voters who read at a graduate-school level and those who read at an eighth-grade level are unlikely to favor the same content. And the same is true of voters with liberal and conservative sensibilities — especially since the collapse of a common media ecosystem leads ideologues to occupy disparate factual universes. The extraordinary nature of today’s media ecology is well illustrated by this chart from Martin Gurri’s book, The Revolt of the Public :

This information explosion abets education polarization for straightforward reasons: Since the college educated and non-college educated have distinct tastes in media, in a highly competitive attentional market, they will patronize different outlets and accept divergent facts.

Further, in the specific economic and social context we’ve been examining, the modern media environment is fertile terrain for reactionary entrepreneurs who wish to cultivate grievance against the professional elite. After all, as we’ve seen, that elite (1) subscribes to some values that most working-class people reject, (2) commandeers a wildly disproportionate share of national income and economic status, and (3) dominates the leadership of major political parties and civic groups to an unprecedented degree.

The political efficacy of such right-wing “populist” programming has been repeatedly demonstrated. Studies have found that exposure to Fox News increases Republican vote share and that the expansion of broadband internet into rural areas leads to higher levels of partisan hostility and lower levels of ticket splitting (i.e., more ideologically consistent voting) as culturally conservative voters gain access to more ideologically oriented national news reporting, commentary, and forums.

What is to be done?

The idea that education polarization arises from deep structural tendencies in western society may inspire a sense of powerlessness. And the notion that it emerges in part from a cultural divide between professionals and working people may invite ideological discomfort, at least among well-educated liberals.

But the fact that some center-left parties have managed to retain more working-class support than others suggests that the Democrats have the capacity to broaden (or narrow) their coalition. Separately, the fact that college-educated liberals have distinct social values does not require us to forfeit them.

The commentators most keen to acknowledge the class dimensions of the culture wars typically aim to discredit the left by doing so. Right-wing polemicists often suggest that progressives’ supposedly compassionate social preferences are mere alibis for advancing the professional class’s material interests. But such arguments are almost invariably weak. Progressive social views may be consonant with professional-class interests, but they typically represent attempts to universalize widely held ideals of freedom and equality. The college educated’s cosmopolitan inclinations are also adaptive for a world that is unprecedentedly interconnected and interdependent and in which population asymmetries between the rich and developing worlds create opportunities for mutual gain through migration , if only xenophobia can be overcome. And of course, in an era of climate change, the professional class’s strong concern for the environment is more than justified.

Nevertheless, professional-class progressives must recognize that our social values are not entirely unrelated to our class position. They are not an automatic by-product of affluence and erudition, nor the exclusive property of the privileged. But humans living in rich, industrialized nations are considerably more likely to harbor these values than those in poor, agrarian ones. And Americans who had the privilege of spending their late adolescence at institutions of higher learning are more likely to embrace social liberalism than those who did not.

The practical implications of this insight are debatable. It is plausible that Democrats may be able to gain working-class vote share by moderating on some social issues. But the precise electoral payoff of any single concession to popular opinion is deeply uncertain. Voters’ conceptions of each party’s ideological positioning are often informed less by policy details than by partisan stereotypes. And the substantive costs of moderation — both for the welfare of vulnerable constituencies and the long-term health of the progressive project — can be profound. At various points in the past half-century, it might have been tactically wise for Democrats to distance themselves from the demands of organized labor. But strategically, sacrificing the health of a key partisan institution to the exigencies of a single election cycle is deeply unwise. Meanwhile, in the U.S. context, the “mainstream” right has staked out some cultural positions that are profoundly unpopular with all social classes . In 2022, it is very much in the Democratic Party’s interest to increase the political salience of abortion rights.

In any case, exactly how Democrats should balance the necessity of keeping the GOP out of power with the imperative to advocate for progressive issue positions is something on which earnest liberals can disagree.

The case for progressives to be more cognizant of the diploma divide when formulating our messaging and policy priorities, however, seems clearer.

Education polarization can be self-reinforcing. As left-wing civic life has drifted away from mass-membership institutions and toward the ideologically self-selecting circles of academia, nonprofits, and the media, the left’s sensitivity to the imperatives of majoritarian politics has dulled. In some respects, the incentives for gaining status and esteem within left-wing subcultures are diametrically opposed to the requirements of coalition building. In the realm of social media, it can be advantageous to make one’s policy ideas sound more radical and/or threatening to popular values than they actually are. Thus, proposals for drastically reforming flawed yet popular institutions are marketed as plans for their “abolition,” while some advocates for reproductive rights insist that they are not merely “pro-choice” but “ pro-abortion ” (as though their objective were not to maximize bodily autonomy but rather the incidence of abortion itself, a cause that would seemingly require limiting access to contraception).

Meanwhile, the rhetoric necessary for cogently theorizing social problems within academia — and that fit for effectively selling policy reforms to a mass audience — is quite different. Political-science research indicates that theoretical abstractions tend to leave most voters cold. Even an abstraction as accessible as “inequality” resonates less with ordinary people than simply saying that the rich have too much money . Yet Democratic politicians have nevertheless taken to peppering their speeches with abstract academic terms such as structural racism .

Relatedly, in the world of nonprofits, policy wonks are often encouraged to foreground the racial implications of race-neutral redistributive policies that disproportionately benefit nonwhite constituencies. Although it is important for policy design to account for any latent racial biases in universal programs, there is reason to believe that, in a democracy with a 70 percent white electorate and widespread racial resentment, it is unwise for Democratic politicians to suggest that broadly beneficial programs primarily aid minority groups.

On the level of priority setting, it seems important for college-educated liberals to be conscious of the fact that “post-material” concerns resonate more with us than with the general public. This is especially relevant for climate strategy. Poll results and election outcomes both indicate that working-class voters are far more sensitive to the threat of rising energy prices than to that of climate change. Given that reality, the most politically viable approach to reducing emissions is likely to expedite the development and deployment of clean-energy technologies rather than deterring energy consumption through higher prices. In practice, this means prioritizing the build-out of green infrastructure over the obstruction of fossil-fuel extraction.

Of course, narrowing the social distance between college-educated liberals and working people would be even better than merely finessing it. The burgeoning unionization of white-collar professions and the growing prominence of downwardly mobile college graduates in working-class labor struggles are both encouraging developments on this front. Whatever Democrats can do to facilitate labor organizing and increase access to higher education will simultaneously advance social justice and improve the party’s long-term electoral prospects.

Finally, the correlation between material security and social liberalism underscores the urgency of progressive economic reform. Shared prosperity can be restored only by increasing the social wage of ordinary workers through some combination of unionization, sectoral bargaining, wage subsidies, and social-welfare expansion. To some extent, this represents a chicken-and-egg problem: Radical economic reforms may be a necessary precondition for the emergence of a broad progressive majority, yet a broad progressive majority is itself a precondition for radical reform.

Nevertheless, in wealthy, deep-blue states such as New York and California, Democrats have the majorities necessary for establishing a progressive economic model. At the moment, artificial constraints on the housing supply , clean-energy production, and other forms of development are sapping blue states’ economic potential . If such constraints could be overcome, the resulting economic gains would simultaneously increase working people’s living standards and render state-level social-welfare programs easier to finance. Perhaps the starting point for such a political revolution is for more-affluent social liberals to recognize that their affinity for exclusionary housing policies and aversion to taxation undermines their cultural values.

Our understanding of education polarization remains provisional. And all proposals for addressing it remain open to debate. The laws of political science are more conjectural than those of physics, and even perfect insight into political reality cannot settle disputes rooted in ideology.

But effective political engagement requires unblinkered vision. The Democratic Party’s declining support among working-class voters is a serious problem. If Democrats consider only ideologically convenient explanations for that problem, our intellectual comfort may come at the price of political power.

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Your chance of acceptance, your chancing factors, extracurriculars, taking the leap: college after military service.

Hey guys, I'm just completing my military service and I'm seriously considering going to college. I'm wondering how my experience in the military will translate into a college setting. Is there anyone here who's gone this route before who could provide some pointers?

Absolutely, there are many paths one can take after completing military service and pursuing a college education is definitely one of them. Your experience in the military can translate into valuable assets in a college setting in several ways.

Firstly, leadership and teamwork abilities honed in the military are very much applicable in collaborative academic settings such as group projects and study groups. Colleges value the discipline, maturity, and global perspectives that veteran students bring.

Secondly, your military experience might earn you college credit. Various universities offer college credit for military training and experience. I'd advise reaching out to a college advisor or a school's Veterans Service Office to explore how your specific experiences might be translated into academic credit.

Also, take a look at the Yellow Ribbon Program, a provision of the Post-9/11 GI Bill. It could potentially help to cover higher out-of-state, private school, or graduate school tuition that the Post-9/11 GI Bill does not cover.

Furthermore, consider utilizing resources specifically aimed at veterans transitioning into higher education. These resources could include veterans student organizations which can provide a supportive community in navigating the transition to academic life.

Lastly, don't forget the value of your personal narrative. When writing application essays, your unique experiences and perspective as a military veteran could provide for compelling storytelling.

Remember, every journey is unique, and it's important to be patient with yourself during this transition. Best of luck with your future educational pursuits!

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