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Writing an Essay on George Orwell’s 1984

George Orwell’s dystopian novel 1984 masterfully depicts a society dominated by a totalitarian government. Through extensive imagery, Orwell reveals the nature of an anti-utopian regime from the viewpoint of Winston Smith, an outer party member tasked with rewriting history, indicative of the past controls in the novel. His perspectives reflect the present controls in the novel and unveil the dystopian totalitarian society of Oceania, a nation in constant antagonism with others.

1984 by George Orwell is recognized as a must-read literary masterpiece, engaging readers across all age groups with its rich characters and stimulating essay topics. The novel’s detailed historicism and depiction of the dominant political party’s actions, echoing their party slogan, have inspired numerous thought-provoking essays.

While some may believe that all possible essay topics on 1984 have been explored, this is only partially true. Every essay uniquely explores an author’s thought process, offering new perspectives even on familiar themes. For instance, the concept of doublethink, central to Orwell’s political fiction narrative, continues to be a subject of lively debate. Moreover, the novel raises complex issues worth exploring, such as the effects of government surveillance and the erosion of civil liberties in a dystopian society.

How to Choose an Effective Topic

Consider the social problems highlighted in this dystopian literature to select a relevant essay topic. Possible research subjects include:

• Gender balance in the novel: Examine the roles of men and women, particularly focusing on Winston Smith and Julia’s relationship.
• Symbolism in the novel: Identify images and ideas that relate to real-world events and explore the author’s intentions behind these metaphors.
• Brainwashing: Analyze how altering history impacts the novel’s characters and how doublethink affects their behavior.
• Room 101 metaphor: Contemplate the symbolic significance of Room 101, where individuals confront their worst fears and psychological effects.
• Power display: Investigate how power is portrayed in the book and the Party’s methods to demonstrate its supremacy.
• Technology use: Discuss how technology is employed to limit freedom and its effects on characters’ mental and physical health.
• Historicism: Examine the correlation between events in the book and real-world history, comparing Orwell’s portrayal to historical periods like World War II or the Soviet Union.

These research ideas can become fascinating and purposeful essay topics . Consider each and choose a subject that offers fresh perspectives, ensuring to express your own opinions and attitudes.

How to Come Up With an Innovative Idea

Engaging your reader, sparking curiosity, and presenting fresh insights are the hallmarks of a compelling essay . But how does one achieve these? The answer lies in innovation. Innovation in essay writing is not just about uniqueness; it’s about offering a new understanding of a familiar subject. An innovative idea can challenge established viewpoints, connect disparate concepts, or revitalize well-trodden debates. Writing about a widely studied text like 1984 by George Orwell requires an innovative approach to stand out and encourage deeper discussion.

Understanding the Novel

To create innovative essay ideas, it is essential to understand “1984” thoroughly. Dive into the novel’s world, absorbing the plot’s nuances, character dynamics, themes, and Orwell’s distinct style. Reflect on the characters’ actions and the story’s development. Understand Orwell’s historical context and motivations, whether as a warning, critique, or dystopian vision. This deep comprehension will fuel unique essay topics.

Brainstorming Techniques

Enhance your brainstorming with techniques like mind mapping, starting with core concepts like ‘totalitarianism’ or ‘doublethink’ and expanding into related areas. Use free writing to unleash subconscious thoughts and insights. The questioning method can lead to innovative ideas by asking probing questions about the novel’s characters, themes, or Orwell’s intentions.

Connecting to Contemporary Themes

Consider how “1984” reflects our contemporary society. Draw parallels between Orwell’s dystopian world and current political and social issues. Analyze the novel’s portrayal of surveillance and propaganda in relation to modern discussions about privacy and misinformation. By linking these themes, you bring your essay a modern, innovative perspective.

Diving Deeper into Characters and Themes

Go beyond surface-level understanding. Explore the psychological depths of characters like Winston Smith, Julia, and Big Brother. Analyze how their motivations interact with Orwell’s overarching themes. Investigate themes like totalitarianism, privacy, and the nature of power. Such exploration will reveal fresh perspectives and groundbreaking essay topics.

Here is a comprehensive, comma-separated list of themes found in George Orwell’s “1984”:

Totalitarianism, censorship, manipulation of information, propaganda, surveillance, resistance to power, psychological manipulation, physical control, the alteration of reality, loss of individuality, loyalty, nationalism, sexuality and love, class struggle, language as mind control, memory and the past, fear, betrayal, fatalism, repression, truth, power, control, privacy, rebellion.

Examining Literary Devices

Study Orwell’s literary craft, focusing on how his use of metaphor, simile, irony, and foreshadowing enhances the narrative and themes. Understanding these devices is key to unlocking deeper meanings and forming the basis of insightful essays.

Here is an exhaustive, comma-separated list of literary devices found in George Orwell’s “1984”:

Allegory, allusion, analogy, antithesis, aphorism, apostrophe, assonance, cacophony, characterization, conflict, connotation, denotation, dialogue, dramatic irony, dystopia, euphemism, foreshadowing, hyperbole, imagery, irony, juxtaposition, metaphor, metonymy, mood, motif, paradox, parallelism, personification, plot, point of view, prose, repetition, satire , setting, simile, symbolism, syntax, theme, tone, understatement, foreshadowing, flashback, alliteration.

Encouraging Multiple Perspectives

View 1984, a classic in social science fiction, from different angles. Consider the story from the perspectives of various characters under the party’s control or through different theoretical lenses like feminist, Marxist, or postcolonial theories. These diverse viewpoints can illuminate the text and inspire unique essay topics.

Consult Secondary Sources

Expand your research with secondary sources like scholarly articles and literary critiques, seeing ‘1984’ as a prime example in its genre. They can provide new interpretations and context, enriching your essay with a well-rounded perspective. Critically evaluate these sources and integrate them to support your unique viewpoint.

Evaluating Ideas

Once you’ve generated various ideas, it’s time to evaluate them. Not all ideas are created equal. Ask yourself: Which of my ideas are truly innovative? Which ones offer fresh insights and perspectives on “1984”? Which will engage my audience most effectively? Consider the scope, depth, and relevance of each idea. Can you find enough evidence in the text to support your argument ? Will your idea contribute to the existing discourse around the novel, or does it risk rehashing well-trodden arguments? This critical evaluation will ensure that you choose the most innovative and effective idea for your essay.

Comparative Analysis with Other Dystopian Novels

Innovate by comparing “1984” with other dystopian works like “Brave New World” or “Fahrenheit 451”. This comparison can highlight common themes and narrative techniques in dystopian literature, providing a fresh angle for your essay.

1984 Topic Examples

When choosing an essay topic for “1984”, it’s important to select a subject that resonates with you. Here are some topic ideas to consider:

• Mechanisms of Control : Explore how the Inner Party employs various methods to instill paranoia in Oceania’s citizens and analyze their effectiveness in maintaining the regime’s rule.
• Historical Parallels : Examine elements within “1984” that mirror real-world instances of totalitarian rule, such as the parallels between the Party’s tactics and those used in historical dictatorships.
• Winston’s Rebellion and Failure : Discuss the complex dynamics that lead to Winston’s inability to overthrow the oppressive government, focusing on the interplay between his character traits, the political environment, and societal structures.
• Effective Methods of Totalitarian Rule : Identify and argue the most effective strategy used by Big Brother to maintain control over society, comparing it with other methods depicted in the novel.
• The Role of Propaganda : Analyze the use of propaganda in the novel and its effectiveness in controlling the populace within a totalitarian society.
• The Power of Language : Delve into Orwell’s introduction of ‘Newspeak’ and discuss how language manipulation consolidates a totalitarian state.
• Technology and Control : Scrutinize how Orwell portrays technology as a tool for surveillance and societal manipulation in the novel.
• Dehumanization in Totalitarian Regimes : Discuss the dehumanizing effects of living under a totalitarian regime as portrayed in “1984”, focusing on how the regime’s control over individuality and personal life affects the characters.
• Doublethink as a Tool of Control : Examine how the concept of doublethink is used to maintain the totalitarian government, analyzing its role in perpetuating the state.
• The Role of the Proles : Analyze the depiction of ‘the proles’ in “1984” and discuss their potential as a disruptive force against the oppressive regime.

The Perils of Doublethink in 1984 (Essay Sample)

George Orwell’s “1984” provides a chilling exploration of a dystopian society under a totalitarian regime, where citizens are compelled to accept contradictory beliefs simultaneously – a concept Orwell termed as “doublethink.” This novel vividly portrays the sinister consequences of doublethink on personal freedom and objective reality. In this essay, we delve into Orwell’s critique of doublethink, elucidating its damaging impacts on individual freedom of thought and the recognition of objective reality.

In the world Orwell conjures, doublethink becomes a psychological instrument of the totalitarian government, meticulously designed to manipulate citizens into submissively endorsing the regime’s ideology. An instance of this can be seen in the paradoxical statement, “two and two equal five,” a governmental doctrine the citizens are forced to embrace despite its glaring falsity. This powerful manifestation of doublethink unveils the ability of the Party to distort the truth and disseminate its propaganda without any resistance. The collective acceptance of these blatant lies not only obstructs free thinking but also paves the way for a society in which objective reality is perpetually challenged.

The insidious nature of doublethink lies in its capacity to coerce citizens into abandoning their personal convictions and accepting the Party’s dictates, thereby suppressing their freedom of thought and action. Such mental manipulation leads to a society of individuals unable to discern truth from falsehood, submissively adhering to any propaganda the government propagates. Scholars argue that through doublethink, people are psychologically conditioned to accept lies as truth, demonstrating the horrifying extent of control the Party exerts over the masses (Orwell, 1990).

More alarmingly, doublethink blurs the boundary between reality and fiction, contributing to a society where the concept of objective truth becomes obsolete. In Orwell’s words, doublethink “negates the existence of objective reality while simultaneously accounting for the reality it denies” (Orwell, 1990). This suggests that proponents of doublethink willingly forsake objective truth, accepting any belief propagated by the Party irrespective of its veracity. An illustration of this is when citizens believe that consuming fruits is harmful, despite their inherent knowledge of their nutritional benefits. This form of cognitive distortion serves the interests of autocratic leaders, providing them with unwavering control over the populace.

Overall, Orwell’s “1984” paints a disturbing picture of a society crippled by doublethink, an instrument of manipulation stemming from totalitarian ideology. The consequences of this dangerous practice are the suppression of individual freedom of thought and the denial of objective reality, all serving to solidify the unyielding control of a corrupt government. Therefore, Orwell’s novel stands as a stark warning against the acceptance of doublethink, reinforcing the vital importance of independent thought and the recognition of objective reality in a democratic society.

• Anderson, M. (2016). Charter school reform: doublethink and the assault on the vulnerable. Journal of Thought , 50 (3-4), 33-48.
• Kaye, S., & Chin, C. (2017). Donald Trump’s use of post-truth double-think politics is a threat to liberal democratic norms. USA pp–American Politics and Policy Blog .
• Moran, S. (2018). Control in WWII Novels: 1984 and Brave New World (Doctoral dissertation, Worcester Polytechnic Institute).
• Orwell, G. (1990). Nineteen Eighty-Four. 1949. The Complete Novels , 7.

Writing the Thesis Statement and Conclusion

Crafting the thesis statement.

An impactful thesis statement is the linchpin of a compelling essay. It presents your central argument clearly and concisely and guides the structure of your essay . When writing a thesis statement for an essay on “1984”, ensure it communicates your unique perspective and directly addresses the essay question or topic.

Your thesis statement should make an argument rather than stating a fact. For example, rather than saying, “George Orwell’s ‘1984’ presents a dystopian society,” you might argue, “Through the portrayal of a dystopian society in ‘1984’, George Orwell critiques the misuse of political power and the erosion of individual freedoms.”

Ensure your thesis is specific enough to be covered effectively in your essay and broad enough to allow you to discuss multiple aspects of the text. Your thesis statement should also indicate the key points you will use to support your argument.

For example: “In ‘1984’, George Orwell uses the motif of Big Brother, the concept of doublethink, and the character arc of Winston Smith to critique the totalitarian government’s manipulative control over individuals’ thoughts and actions.”

Finally, position your thesis statement at the end of your introduction . This placement effectively sets the stage for the rest of your essay and guides your readers on the journey of your argument.

Constructing the Conclusion

The conclusion is your final chance to make an impact on your readers, so make it count. It ties up your argument and gives your essay a sense of completion.

Begin your conclusion by rephrasing your thesis statement in a new way. Do not simply repeat your thesis verbatim—instead, revisit it in light of the arguments and evidence you’ve presented. This reinforces your central argument and demonstrates how your essay has supported it.

Next, summarize the key points you’ve made in your body paragraphs . This should not simply be a list but a synthesis of your main arguments demonstrating how they support your thesis.

Finally, consider the broader implications of your argument. What does your analysis of “1984” contribute to the understanding of the novel or the broader discussions around it? How does your essay connect to the world today? By ending your essay with a thought-provoking conclusion, you leave your readers with a lasting impression and demonstrate the relevance and impact of your arguments. For instance, you might conclude with a statement: “Orwell’s ‘1984’ serves as a chilling reminder of the power of propaganda and manipulation, urging contemporary societies to be vigilant against any infringement on individual liberties.”

Remember, your conclusion should not introduce any new arguments or information. Its goal is to wrap up your essay in a satisfying and coherent way, leaving your readers with a clear understanding of your argument and its significance.

Conclusion example

“ George Orwell’s dystopian novel “1984” profoundly illustrates the grim outcomes of totalitarian rule, creating a cautionary tale of manipulated consciousness and obliterated freedoms. [Introduction of main theme] The exploration of language manipulation, the concept of doublethink, and the pervasive presence of Big Brother exemplify Orwell’s portrayal of the dangerous potential of absolute power to manipulate reality and alter citizens’ perceptions of truth and morality. [Key themes & concepts] The novel’s relevance in today’s digital age is undeniable, with increasing surveillance technology and the proliferation of ‘fake news’ raising urgent questions about privacy, truth, and the power of political manipulation. [Contemporary relevance] More than a mere work of fiction, ‘1984’ serves as a chilling prophecy and stark reminder of the importance of critical thinking, freedom of expression, and individual autonomy. As we delve deeper into an era marked by digital surveillance and data manipulation, Orwell’s ‘1984’ remains a necessary critique and potent warning, underscoring the need for constant vigilance and resistance against any threats to our freedoms. [Conclusion & broader implications] ”

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1984 George Orwell

1984 essays are academic essays for citation. These papers were written primarily by students and provide critical analysis of 1984 by George Orwell.

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The Definitive Guide to Analysing ‘1984’ for English: Summary, Context, Themes & Characters

Newspeak? Doublethink? What do all of these words mean? If you need help analysing 1984 by George Orwell, you’ve come to the right place — we’ve got all you need to know with a summary, list of key characters, themes and a 3-step essay analysis guide!

We’ve even got an analysis table and a sample paragraph that’s all free for you to download on 1984.

So, let’s throw back into 1984 (the fictional one of course)! 

1984 by George Orwell Summary & Key Messages Key Characters in 1984 Context Themes Explored in 1984 Essay Analysis of 1984

1984 by George Orwell Summary & Key Messages

The politics of oceania.

1984 belongs in the dystopian, science fiction genre as it explores the dangers of corrupted power under a totalitarian regime. Totalitarianism is a government system that dictates how its citizens think, behave and act by constantly keeping an eye on them and carrying out punishments for those who don’t obey. Sounds strict, hey? 

Sadly, this is the life of our protagonist, Winston Smith. Winston lives in a nation that resembles London in Oceania, which has been in a war with Eurasia and Eastasia since forever but no one really knows what the war is about. This is because the Party controls its people through rewriting history in the Ministry of Truth, where Winston edits historical records as part of his job.

The Party also invented a new language called “Newspeak” , which eliminates any words associated with rebellion to ensure full subservience of their nation. 

Wherever Winston goes, he is bombarded with posters of their omnipresent leader, Big Brother. There are also hidden cameras and microphones that are implanted everywhere by the thought police to monitor every move of its citizens.

It’s a scary place because if you do or say anything wrong, the thought police will capture you and force you into lifelong labour . In this world, people cannot have close friends, cannot date whoever they want and cannot have intimate relationships.

Instead, the people pent up these emotions and channel them into aggressive patriotism for their government which are expressed in two minute hate rallies. 

The Start of Winston’s Rebellion

Winston has had enough of the Party and its strict control. He purchases an illegal diary to commit crimethink, where he expresses his own thoughts and feelings about the Party through writing. He also writes about his interest in O’Brien, a member of the Inner Party who he believes could be part of the underground rebellion group called the Brotherhood. 

Access 1984 Downloadable Sample Paragraph and Examples of Analysis

Winston’s and Julia’s Relationship

At work, Winston realises that his historical records were not aligning with his memories . He notices Julia, a young beautiful girl staring at him, and he is afraid that she will turn him into the “thought police”.

However, Julia passes him a note that says “I love you” and they start an affair. 

O’Brien’s Betrayal 

As their relationship grows more seriously, so does Winston’s hatred for the Party. He and Julia decided to reveal their rebellion to O’Brien, who also appeared to be on their side .

O’Brien welcomes them into the Brotherhood and passed Winston a copy of Emmanuel Goldstein’s book. As Winston starts reading the book, the thought police charge in, arrest Winston and Julia and bring them to the Ministry of Love. Turns out, O’Brien is a snake. 

The Party Tortures Winston

At the Ministry of Love, Winston is tortured mercilessly and this makes him confess everything he knows about Julia and the rebellion .

It is then revealed that the government carries out these acts to exercise total power and control over the people of Oceania, to the extent where people not only do things out of fear, but genuinely believe in what they are doing even if it doesn’t make sense.

Winston’s Loss of Individuality

In Room 101, Winston experiences a true Fear Factor episode. The thought police threaten Winston with his ultimate fear, rats that would eat his face off. This caused Winston to scream “Do it to Julia, not me!”, which represents his betrayal to the only person that held value to him.

After this, the thought police let both Winston and Julia go, but the two ex-lovers can no longer look at each other face to face as they are both broken inside. Winston becomes a changed man who does not want to think about rebelling and instead becomes highly supportive of the Party and Big Brother. 

Key Characters in 1984

Winston Smith  The main protagonist who works under the Ministry of Truth in London, Oceania. His appearance is frail, pensive and intelligent. He hates the Party and its totalitarian system with a desire to revolutionise his current political situation. He can be emotional and idealistic with his goals. 

Julia  A beautiful young girl who is Winston’s love interest. Julia is sex-positive with an optimistic attitude about the future of the Party. She represents parts of humanity that Winston lacks, such as passive survival, intimacy, intuition and pragmatism. 

O’Brien  A mysterious leader of the Inner Party who Winston trusts as Winston believes that O’Brien is a member of the legendary rebellion group, the Brotherhood. It is revealed later in the novel that O’Brien is a leader of The Party who has been keeping a close eye on Winston. His betrayal launches us into the inner mechanisms of The Party and its totalitarian rule. O’Brien’s character parallels that of famous dictators in modern history such as Stalin and Hitler, as he is determined to indoctrinate Winston in the name of “purity.” 

Big Brother  Have you watched the show Big Brother? His character in the show is almost the same as in 1984, except a lot more controlling. In 1984, Big Brother is the most dominating figure in Oceania as he is perceived to be the ruler, although Orwell does not specify whether he really exists or not. Big Brother’s face is plastered among posters, coins and telescreens with the slogan “BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING YOU” so it’s impossible to avoid him anywhere. 

Emmanuel Goldstein As the leader of the legendary group of rebels called the Brotherhood, Emmanuel Goldstein is the opposing figure of Big Brother. Although he never appears in the novel, he has had a profound impact on Winston’s hope for the future. He is the most dangerous man in Oceania, according to the Party.  

Context in 1984

To understand 1984’s context, we must first understand the author’s personal background to craft a well thought-out essay analysis. This is because the author’s personal and historical experiences do shape the novel and its themes. So, let’s start with Orwell’s schooling days.

If you ever felt suppressed at school, Orwell can definitely relate with you on that. As a “lower-upper-middle class”, Orwell didn’t fit in with his peers and was upset with the restricted routine that schools impose on their students.

He then went on to become a British Imperial Policeman in Burma where he hated his job as he had to execute strict laws under a political system he didn’t like. After this, he moved to England and became a full-time writer. 

Orwell experienced poverty for awhile, and even lived as a coal miner in northern England which caused him to shift from capitalist ideals to democratic socialism. Here are the simplified definitions of the political concepts that influenced Orwell’s beliefs and 1984’s themes: 

• Capitalism: An economic system where property is owned and controlled by private actors, rather than by state. As such individuals can control how much they set their prices, instead of leaving it to the government to dictate. 
• Democratic Socialism: Unlike capitalism, democratic socialism is an economic system whereby property and products are owned and controlled by the entire society, alongside governments. So, the main difference here is that governments have a say in trade whereas in capitalism, governments do not interfere with private owner’s business. 

Orwell was also concerned with the rise of Thatcherism. 

In the year 1936, Orwell fought as a socialist in the Spanish Civil War during World War II, where he became familiar with totalitarian systems that are under leaders such as Hitler and Stalin. Although Orwell was passionate about socialism at first, he soon became disillusioned and disappointed with its ideals as Stalin used communism as the foundation of his authoritarian system. 

Stalin of the Soviet Union was also an important influence in shaping 1984’s totalitarian regime of Oceania, as Stalin used secret police to force confessions out of enemies through torture alike how the Ministry of Love did with Winston . Like the Party, the Soviet Union also tampered with physical records of people as they imprison and/or eliminate millions of lives. 

With the rise of the nuclear age and television in 1949, Orwell envisioned a future where everyone would always be monitored through screens in a post-atomic dictatorship . This became a fear that was highly possible when speculated thirty five years into the future. 

But as we all know, this did not become true. In the early 1990s, the Cold War ended with the triumph of democracy, as signified by the fall of the Berlin Wall and the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

Even so, Orwell’s 1984 still serves as a precautionary tale against the corruption and abuse of totalitarian regimes, along with a profound insight into the use of language and history to manipulate one’s individuality.  

Want more information on George Orwell? Take a look at this biography found via the Orwell Foundation page!

Themes Explored in 1984

To help you get started on your thesis or topic sentence , here are three key themes from 1984 that you can write about in your essay analysis !

The Consequences of Totalitarianism

After experiencing the violence and corruption of totalitarian regimes in Spain and Russia, Orwell wrote 1984 as a warning about the dangers of an authoritarian regime where the government holds the most power. As such, the Party in 1984 administered extreme methods of physical and psychological manipulation to enforce total submission of its people. 

Physical control by the Party includes total surveillance of its people to the extent where even a twitch in the face can be enough to warrant an arrest. Morning exercises, called Physical Jerks, are also carried out before long hours at work to tire people out so they don’t have the energy to think beyond the Party’s propaganda. 

The Party also uses physical torture to “re-educate” and punish those who rebel against them. It is this physical pain that causes Winston to lose his own individuality and moral beliefs, allowing the Party to infiltrate his mind and dictate his sense of reality. 

Meanwhile, the Party also uses psychological tactics to saturate the individual’s mind with propaganda and disable its ability for independent thinking. On top of watching everyone everywhere, the telescreens are also used to indoctrinate (ie. brainwash) people into supporting the Party despite its flaws.

The telescreens also perpetuate slogans such as “BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING YOU” , to remind people that their government is always watching their back so they better behave according to the Party’s standards. 

The Party also deems close friendships and conversations with others illegal. So, if you’re itching to spill the tea, your only method of venting your emotions out is through pep rallies, where the Party encourages you to show extreme expressions of hatred to its political enemies. Ultimately, this allows the Party to dictate how and where you should express your emotions, keeping you from expressing your individual feelings, thoughts and opinions. 

Here are some quotes that illustrate the perils of totalitarianism: 

The Power of Language to Liberate and Control 

In 1984, language has the dual capacity to both restrain and facilitate individual expression. This is another key message that Orwell imparts, as he highlights how language can either promote or limit ideas which influence our beliefs, behaviour and identity. 

The Party uses Newspeak as a way of controlling the language that its people speak, which in turn dictates the people’s thoughts, actions and personalities (or lack thereof).

By eliminating words that are associated with rebellious thoughts, the Party essentially removes the people’s ability to think of resistance because there are no words to conceive it. With continual edits with Newspeak, the Party inches a step closer to their ultimate goal of total coercion from their people.

Yet, in Winston’s case, he uses language as a vehicle of self-expression as he purchases a diary for himself and writes his everyday thoughts, opinions and feelings into it . By writing in his own words, he is able to build himself an identity with his own passions, goals and perspective.

Sadly, in a world where the government overrules individual expression, Winston’s use of language dwindles, though it is encouraging to see how language can still work to preserve independent thought.

Here are three quotes that can help you get started on this theme: 

The Importance of Preserving Our Identity and Individualism

What happens if we lose everything that defines us as us? 

1984 truly delves into this scary concept as the Party removes everyone’s personal details so they are not able to establish their own identity. For example, even Winston does not know his own age, who his real parents are nor can he trust his own childhood memories as there are no photographs or evidences to help him differentiate between reality and imagination. 

Aside from Winston, the rest of Oceania are also denied documents that could give them a sense of individuality and help them differentiate themselves from others . This causes their memories to grow fuzzy, thus making the people of Oceania vulnerable and dependent on the stories that the Party tells them.

In turn, by controlling the present, the Party can re-engineer the past. Simultaneously, by controlling the past, the Party can rationalise its shortcomings and project a perfect government that is far from the truth. 

With no recollection of the past, the people of Oceania can no longer stay in touch with their real identities and instead, become identical as they wear the same uniform, drink the same brand of alcohol and more. Yet, Winston builds his own sense of identity through recording his thoughts, experiences and emotions in his diary. This act along with his relationship with Julia symbolises Winston’s declaration of his own independence and identity as a rebel who disagrees with the Party’s system. 

Despite this, Winston’s own sense of individuality and identity dissolves after his torturous experience at the Ministry of Love, which transforms him into another member of the Outer Party who blends into the crowd. By asserting a dark vision of humanity’s individualism, Orwell urges audiences in the present to truly value their freedom to express and preserve their identity. 

Here are some quotes that are related to this idea which you may find helpful:

Of course, 1984 also includes other themes that you may be thinking about writing analysis for, such as: 

• Rebellion and Patriotism 
• Active versus Passive Survival 
• The Corrupt Use of Technology

Check out our recommended related text for 1984 .

Essay Analysis: How to Analyse 1984 in 3 Steps

Analysing your text is always the first step to writing an amazing essay! Lots of students make the mistake of jumping right into writing without really understanding what the text is about.

This leads to arguments that only skim the surface of the complex ideas, techniques and elements of the text. So, let’s build a comprehensive thesis through an in-depth analysis of the 1984. 

Here are three easy steps that you can use to analyse 1984 and really impress your English teachers!

Step 1: Select your example(s)

1984 is a world of its own with its totalitarian systems, use of foreign words and more. So, we totally understand if you’re feeling lost and don’t know where to begin. 

Our piece of advice is to look for examples that come with a technique. Techniques offer you a chance to delve into the text’s underlying meaning, which would help you deepen your analysis and enrich your essay writing. 

Find our extensive list of quotes from 1984 by George Orwell!

Here are two quotes that relate to consequences of totalitarian power, which we have picked to help you visualise which examples can provide a deeper meaning: 

“Big Brother is Watching You.”  “WAR IS PEACE FREEDOM IS SLAVERY IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH” 

Step 2: Identify your technique(s)

Getting a good grade in English is more than listing out every technique that you can find in the text. Instead, it’s about finding techniques that allow you to dive deeper into the themes you’re focussing on, while also supporting your argument. 

Try to look for techniques that allow you to explain its effects and link to your argument such as symbols, metaphors, connotations, similes and historical allegories . In Orwell’s case, he uses a lot of language techniques such as neologism, where he makes up his own words such as “Doublethink” or “Newspeak”. 

For the two quotes above, its three techniques include historical allusion, rhetoric and oxymoron. 

If possible, you can look out for a quote that encompasses a few techniques to really pack a punch in your analysis. 

Step 3: Write the analysis

Once you’re done collecting your examples and techniques, the next part is writing. You must remember to explain what the effect of the technique is and how it supports your argument. Otherwise, it’s not going to be a cohesive essay if you’re just listing out techniques. 

An example of listing out techniques looks like this: 

“The rhetoric “Big Brother is Watching You” is also a historical allusion while “War is Peace, Freedom is Slavery and Ignorance is Strength” is oxymoronic.”

Instead, you must elaborate on how each of these techniques link to your argument. 

“Big Brother is Watching You” is a rhetoric imposed by the Party to instil psychological fear and submission of the people of Oceania, whereby Orwell uses to warn the dangers of totalitarianism. “Big Brother” is also a historical allusion to Hitler to remind the audience that 1984 is not entirely fictional but a possible future of our reality, urging us to take action against totalitarian regimes with the autonomy we have now. 

Meanwhile, the slogan ““WAR IS PEACE, FREEDOM IS SLAVERY, IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH” represents the oxymoronic mentalities that have been indoctrinated into the people of Oceania, highlighting how totalitarian regimes would force its people to think whatever they want their people to think, no matter how illogical it is. 

Together, your analysis should look something like: 

The Party perpetuates the rhetoric, “Big Brother is Watching You” to instil psychological fear and coercion of the the people of Oceania, which forewarns a lack of individual freedom and private reflection within authoritarian regimes. As “Big Brother” is a historical allusion to Hitler, Orwell reminds the audience that 1984 and its extremist politics is a reality, urging us to defend our independence before it’s forbidden. Furthermore, the slogan “War is Peace, Freedom is Slavery, Ignorance is Strength” embodies the oxymoronic mentalities that the Party indoctrinates into its people, revealing the extreme extent of psychological control an authoritarian regime strives to ensure their power is never questioned, no matter how irrational it is.

Need some help with your essay analysis of other texts aside from 1984?

Check out other texts we’ve created guides for below:

• Romeo and Juliet
• Run Lola Run
• The Meursault Investigation
• In Cold Blood
• To Kill a Mockingbird
• The Book Thief
• The Tempest
• Blade Runner
• Things Fall Apart
• Mrs Dalloway

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Common Module State-Rank Essay Showcase: Nineteen Eighty-Four

The following essay was written by Project Academy English Tutor, Marko Beocanin

Marko Beocanin

99.95 ATAR & 3 x State Ranker

The following essay was written by Project Academy English Teacher, Marko Beocanin.

Marko’s Achievements:

• 8th in NSW for English Advanced (98/100)
• Rank 1 in English Advanced, Extension 1 and Extension 2
• School Captain of Normanhurst Boys High School

Marko kindly agreed to share his essay and thorough annotations to help demystify for HSC students what comprises an upper Band 6 response!

Common Module: Nineteen Eighty-Four Essay Question

Marko’s following essay was written in response to the question:

“The representation of human experiences makes us more aware of the intricate nature of humanity.” In your response, discuss this statement with detailed reference to George Orwell’s ‘Nineteen Eighty-Four’.

State-Ranking Common Module Essay Response

George Orwell’s 1949 Swiftian satire Nineteen Eighty-Four invites us to appreciate the intricate nature of humanity by representing how the abuse of power by totalitarian governments degrades our individual and collective experiences. (Link to rubric through individual/collective experiences, and a clear cause and effect argument: totalitarian governance -> degraded human experience. Also, comments on the genre of Swiftian satire. Value!) Orwell explores how oppressive authorities suppress the intricate societal pillars of culture, expression and freedom to maintain power. He then reveals how this suppression brutalises individual human behaviour and motivations because it undermines emotion and intricate thought. (Link to rubric through ‘human behaviour and motivations’, and extended cause and effect in which the first paragraph explores the collective ‘cause’ and the second paragraph explores the individual ‘effect’. This is an easy way to structure your arguments whilst continuously engaging with the rubric!) Ultimately, he argues that we must resist the political apathy that enables oppressive governments to maintain power and crush human intricacy. Therefore, his representation of human experiences not only challenges us to consider the intricate nature of humanity, but exhorts us to greater political vigilance so we can preserve it. (Concluding sentence that broadens the scope of the question and reaffirms the purpose of the text).

Orwell makes us aware of the intricate nature of humanity by representing how totalitarian authorities suppress intricate collective experiences of culture, expression and freedom in order to assert control. (This is the ‘collective’ paragraph – a cause and effect argument that relates the question to the loss of human intricacy in the collective as a result of totalitarian rule). His bleak vision was informed by Stalin’s USSR: a regime built upon the fabrication of history in Stalin’s ‘cult of personality’, and ruthlessly enforced by the NKVD. (Specific context – an actual specific regime is named and some details about its enforcement are given). The symbolic colourlessness and propaganda-poster motif he uses to describe London reflects the loss of human intricacy and culture under such leadership: “there seemed to be no colour in anything, except the posters that were plastered everywhere.” (First example sets up the world of the text, and the degraded collective experience). Orwell uses the telescreens, dramatically capitalised “BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING YOU” posters and allusions to Stalin in Big Brother’s “black-moustachio’d face” as metonyms for how governmental surveillance dominates both physical and cultural collective experiences. Winston’s metatextual construction of the fictitious “Comrade Ogilvy” serves as a symbol for the vast, worthless masses of information produced by totalitarian governments to undermine the intricacy of real human history: “Comrade Ogilvy, who had never existed…would exist just as authentically, and upon the same evidence, as Charlemagne or Julius Caesar.” Similarly, Orwell’s satirical representation of Newspeak ignites the idea that political slovenliness causes self-expression to degrade, which in turn destroys our capacity for intricate thought and resistance: “we shall make thoughtcrime literally impossible, because there will be no words in which to express it.” (The examples above prove that the government’s leadership style truly is totalitarian, and that it results in a loss of intricacy and ‘humanity’ in the collective. It’s good to cover a variety of examples that explore different facets of the collective – for example, the first example establishes the extreme surveillance, the second example establishes the loss of ‘truth’/history, and the third example establishes the loss of language). The political bitterness that marks Nineteen Eighty-Four as a Swiftian satire (This is a link to the ‘Swiftian’ term used in the thesis statement. It’s important to refer back to any descriptive terms you use in your thesis) ultimately culminates in O’Brien’s monologue, where Orwell juxtaposes the politicised verb “abolish” to symbols of human intricacy, “we shall abolish the orgasm…there will be no art, no literature, no science…when we are omnipotent”, to express how totalitarian rulers suppress collective experiences to gain metaphoric omnipotence. Thus, Orwell makes us aware of the intricate nature of humanity by representing a future in which totalitarian governments suppress it. (A linking sentence that ties it all back to the question and rephrases the point)

Orwell then argues that the effect of this suppression is a loss of human intricacy that brutalises society and devalues individual experiences. (Cause and effect argument that links collective suppression to a loss of human intricacy on an individual scale – continuous engagement with the question and the rubric!) Orwell’s exposure to the widespread hysteria of Hitler’s Nazi regime, caused by the Nuremberg Rallies and Joseph Goebbels’ virulent anti-semitic propaganda, informs his representation of Oceania’s dehumanised masses. (More specific context around the Nazis, and a specific link to how it informed his work) The burlesque Two Minute Hate reveals human inconsistency by representing how even introspective, intelligent characters can be stripped of their intricacy and compassion by the experience of collective hysteria: even Winston wishes to “flog [Julia] to death with a rubber truncheon…ravish her and cut her throat at the moment of climax”, and is only restored by compliance to the Christ-like totalitarian authority, “My-Saviour!”, Big Brother. (A link to the rubric with the ‘human inconsistency’ point) Orwell frequently juxtaposes dehumanising representations of the proles, “the proles are not human beings”, to political sloganism: “As the Party slogan put it: ‘Proles and animals are free’”, to argue that in such a collectively suppressed society, the upper class grow insensitive towards the intricate nature of those less privileged. (It’s important to link the proles into your argument – they’re often forgotten, but they’re a big part of the text!) He asserts that this loss of empathy degrades the authenticity and intricacy of human relationships, characterised by Winson’s paradoxically hyperbolic repulsion towards his wife: “[Katharine] had without exception the most stupid, vulgar, empty mind that he had every encountered”. (Continuous engagement with the question and rubric: make sure to recycle rubric terms – here, done with ‘paradoxically’ – and question terms – here, with ‘intricacy’)  Winston’s “betrayal” of Julia symbolises how totalitarianism ultimately brutalises individuals by replacing their compassion for intricate ideals such as love with selfish pragmatism: “Do it to Julia…Tear her face off, strip her to the bones. Not me!” Therefore, Orwell makes us more aware of the intricate nature of humanity by demonstrating how it can be robbed by suppressive governments and collective hysteria. (A linking sentence that sums up the paragraph).

By making us aware of how totalitarian governments suppress meaningful human experiences both individually and collectively, Orwell challenges us to resist so we can preserve our intricate nature. (This third paragraph discusses Orwell’s purpose as a composer. This can in general be a helpful way to structure paragraphs: Collective, Individual, Purpose) Orwell’s service in the 1930s Spanish Civil War as part of the Republican militia fighting against fascist-supported rebels positions him to satirise the political apathy of his audience. (Integration of personal context is useful here to justify Orwell’s motivations. It’s also a lot fresher than just including another totalitarian regime Orwell was exposed to) Orwell alludes to this through the metaphor of Winston’s diarising as an anomalous individual experience of resistance, ““[Winston] was a lonely ghost uttering a truth that nobody would ever hear,” which highlights how his intricate nature persists even in a suppressive society. Often, Orwell meta-fictively addresses his own context, as “a time when thought is free…when truth exists”, to establish an imperative to preserve our intricate human nature while we still can. The Julia romance trope (It’s good to include terms such as ‘trope’ which reflect your understanding of narrative structure and the overall form of the work.) represents how Winston’s gradual rejection of his political apathy empowered him to experience an authentic, intricately human relationship that subverts his totalitarian society: “the gesture with which [Julia] had thrown her clothes aside…[belonged] to an ancient time. Winston woke up with the word ‘Shakespeare’ on his lips.” Orwell juxtaposes Julia’s sexuality to Shakespeare, an immediately-recognisable metonym for culture and history, to argue that human intricacy can only be restored by actively resisting the dehumanising influence of the government. Orwell also represents Winston’s desensitised and immediate devotion to the Brotherhood to reflect how the preservation of human intricacy is a cause worth rebelling for, even by paradoxically unjust means: “[Winston was] prepared to commit murder…acts of sabotage which may cause the deaths of hundreds of innocent people…throw sulphuric acid in a child’s face.” (More chronological examples that show Winston’s transformation throughout the text. It’s useful to explore and contrast those who resist with those who don’t resist, and how just the act of resistance in some way restores our humanity! That’s why this paragraph comes after the ‘brutalised individual experience’ paragraph) However, Orwell ultimately asserts that it is too late for Winston to meaningfully restore humanity’s intricate nature, and concludes the text with his symbolic death and acceptance of the regime, “[Winston] had won the victory over himself. He loved Big Brother.” (It’s important to remember that Orwell ends the text so miserably so that he can motivate his audiences not to do the same thing). The futility of this ending ignites the idea that we must not only be aware of our intricate nature, but must actively resist oppressive governments while we still can in order to preserve it. (A linking sentence that ties the paragraph together and justifies the futility of the ending)

Therefore, Orwell’s representation of human experiences in Nineteen Eighty-Four encourages us to reflect personally on our own intricate human nature, and challenges us to fight to preserve it. (Engages with the question (through the reflection point), and includes Orwell’s purpose as a composer). His depiction of a totalitarian government’s unchecked assertion of power on human culture and freedom, and the brutalising impact this has on individual and collective experiences, ultimately galvanises us to reject political apathy. (Your argument summaries can often be combined into a sentence or two in the conclusion now that the marker knows what you’re talking about. This reinforces the cause and effect structure as well.) Thus, the role of storytelling for Orwell is not only to make us more aware of our intricate nature, but to prove that we must actively resist oppressive governments while we still can in order to preserve it. (The clincher! It’s often useful to add “not only” in your final sentence to reinforce the massive scope of the text)

If reading this essay has helped you, you may also enjoy reading Marko’s ultimate guide to writing 20/20 HSC English essays .

P.S If you have any questions about aceing HSC English , you are welcome to learn from Marko and join one of Project Academy’s HSC English classes on a 3 week trial .

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George Orwell's 1984 Essays

1984 literary analysis.

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George Orwell’s 1984 Totalitarianism

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1984 Essay Topics & Examples

What can you say about the famous George Orwell’s book? With the 1984 essay topics and research titles gathered by our team , you’ll easily find the right words.

🏆 Best 1984 Essay Topics & Examples

📌 most interesting essay topics for 1984, 👍 good 1984 research paper topics, ❓ 1984 essay questions.

• George Orwell’s 1984: Winston and Julia’s Relationship Essay In the relationship, Julia teaches Winston the idea of love, and the love feeling is then manipulated and directed towards Big Brother.
• The Aspects of Human Nature That George Orwell Criticizes in His Work 1984 Compared to Today’s World The aspects of human nature that George Orwell criticizes in his work 1984 compared to today’s world Orwell in the novel 1984 represents the modern society be it capitalist or communist.
• Language in Orwell’s 1984 as a Means of Manipulation and Control One of the key themes in the novel is the control over language and rewriting history. Thus, it is apparent that control of language leads to the restriction of people’s feelings and thoughts.
• The Dystopian Societies of “1984” and Brave New World The three features which are discussed in this respect are the division of the two societies into social strata, the use of state power and control over citizens, and the loss of people’s individualities.
• Comparison of G. Orwell’s “1984”, R. Bradbury’s “Fahrenheit 451” and A. Huxley’s “Brave New World” The leadership is in charge of virtually each and every single activity that takes place in the lives of the inhabitants of the society.
• The Declaration of Independence and 1984 by George Orwell Another feature that relates the Declaration of Independence to 1984 is a demonstration of the tyranny of the ruler and the restriction of the citizen’s rights.
• George Orwell and Two of His Works “1984” and “Animal Farm” Orwell draws on his own personal experiences in the context of political terrorism to describe a life, lived in fear and guilt.
• Two Opposite Worlds: “Utopia” and “1984” More criticizes the laws of the contemporary European society; he highlights that other countries, in the East for instance, have more fair laws; and after that he starts depicting Utopia, where all people live and […]
• Generation Z Through George Orwell’s “1984” Lens One of the things that the new generation lacks and that the old one had is respect for the opinion of an ideological opponent.
• Winston Smith, in the Novel “Nineteen Eighty-Four” Lastly, Winston Smith is not a hero, and individuals should not emulate and admire him as he is quick to surrender, indiscreet, and promotes the wealth of the ruling class.
• Unhappiness of Society in Orwell’s 1984 Dystopia His character is a strong individual who will not transgress the ideals of his party and is fully committed to him.
• Dystopias “Brave New World” by Huxley and “1984” by Orwell The modern world is full of complications and the moments when it seems like a dystopia the darkest version of the future. In the novel, promiscuity is encouraged, and sex is a form of entertainment.
• Orwell’s 1984 Literary Analysis: Should the Majority Rule? The main character of the 1984 novel is Winston Smith, who is in his late 40s and who works in the Ministry of Truth or Minitruth, which is apparently the Ministry of Lies, since the […]
• “Novel 1984” by George Orwell The specific inspirations for the Oceania society from “1984” were The Soviet Union and Nazi Germany with their inherent propaganda, betrayal of the ideals of the revolution, concentration camps and misinformation.
• Literature Comparison: “One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest” and “1984” It can be said that while both of these books address the issue of hidden methods of coercion, Nineteen-eighty Four provides a bleak vision of the future in which the whole of society is controlled […]
• Events in the 1984 by George Orwell This paper explores the similarities and dissimilarities between the book’s events and the occurrences of contemporary society in 2014. Orwell’s accounts in the book 1984 strike many similarities with the events happening in contemporary society.
• George Orwell’s Novel 1984 The world is involved in an endless war, and the political regime called Ingsoc and headed by a mystical Big Brother permanently looks for ways to control the citizens’ minds and private lives.
• Analysis of Enemy of the People and Nineteen Eighty Four Hovard evidences a good example of the barrier of doing the right things due to influences and the need to fulfill the desires of the people even if they are wrong.
• Analysis of Books “Half the Sky How to Change the World”, “Gulliver’s Travel” and “1984” Comprehensively, the book Half the Sky How to Change the World exposes the rot that is human trafficking and tries to expose the severity of the trade and how it affects the world today.
• 1984 by George Orwell There are high hopes that the current settings of the twenty-first century and the predictable future of governance will be sustainable and responsible especially on issues of cultural identity and preservation.
• Understanding the Concept of Doublethink in the World of George Orwell’s “1984”
• The Weakness of Big Brother in “1984” by George Orwell
• The Theme of the Survival of a Hero in the Movie “Casablanca” and George Orwell’s “1984”
• The Truth About Communism and Totalitarism in George Orwell’s Novel “1984”
• The Similarities Between the Novels “Brave New World” by Aldous Huxley and “1984” by George Orwell
• Totalitarianism and Dystopia in George Orwell’s “1984”
• The Theme of History in “Brave New World” by Arthur Huxley and “1984” by George Orwell
• Theme Analysis in “Zeitoun” by Dave Eggers and “1984” by George Orwell
• The Philosophy of Determinism in “1984” by George Orwell
• The Power and Control of the Party in “1984” by George Orwell
• The Near Dystopian Future in a “Brave New World” by Aldous Huxley and “1984” by George Orwell
• The Suppression of Thoughts and the Elimination of Freedom in “1984” by George Orwell
• The Totalitarian Government of “1984” by George Orwell
• The Use of the Newspeak Language to Control and Manipulate in “1984” by George Orwell
• The Practice of Dehumanization by the Party in “1984” by George Orwell
• The Psychological Manipulation of Society in “1984” by George Orwell
• Theme of Betrayal in the Novel “1984” by George Orwell
• The Roles of Love, Government, Freedom, Education, and Pleasure in George Orwell’s “1984”
• The Idea of Humans Being Naturally Rebellious in “1984” by George Orwell
• The World of Deceit and Propaganda in George Orwell’s “1984”
• The Importance of Winston and Julie’s Romantic Relationship in George Orwell’s “1984”
• The Inferiority of Women in “Brave New World” by Aldous Huxley and “1984” by George Orwell
• The Utopian Society in “1984” by George Orwell
• The Significance of the Elements of Political Protest in “1984” by George Orwell
• The Necessities for a Dystopian Society in George Orwell’s “1984” and Its Possibility in the Modern Era
• The Role of Newspeak in the Inner Party’s Philosophy and Propaganda in “1984” by George Orwell
• Totalitarian Society in George Orwell’s “1984”
• The Mirrored Worlds in Novels “1984” by George Orwell and “The Handmaid’s Tale” by Margaret Atwood
• Totalitarian Goverments in George Orwell’s “1984”
• The Pleasure Principle in “Brave New World” by Aldous Huxley and “1984” by George Orwell
• The Parallelism of Today’s Society to the Social Conditions Found in George Orwell’s “1984”
• Winston Smith in the Novel “1984” by George Orwell
• The Three Important Aspects of the Fictional World in “1984” by George Orwell
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A Summary and Analysis of George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four

By Dr Oliver Tearle (Loughborough University)

George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four , completed in 1948 and published a year later, is a classic example of dystopian fiction. Indeed, it’s surely the most famous dystopian novel in the world, even if its ideas are known by far more people than have actually read it. (According to at least one survey , Nineteen Eighty-Four is the book people most often claim to have read when they haven’t.)

Like many novels that are more known about than are carefully read and analysed, Nineteen Eighty-Four is actually a more complex work than the label ‘nightmare dystopian vision’ can convey. Before we offer an analysis of the novel’s themes and origins, let’s briefly recap the plot.

Nineteen Eighty-Four : plot summary

In the year 1984, Britain has been renamed Airstrip One and is a province of Oceania, a vast totalitarian superstate ruled by ‘the Party’, whose politics are described as Ingsoc (‘English Socialism’). Big Brother is the leader of the Party, which keeps its citizens in a perpetual state of fear and submission through a variety of means.

Surveillance is a key part of the novel’s world, with hidden microphones (which are found in the countryside as well as urban areas, and can identify not only what is said but also who says it) and two-way telescreen monitors being used to root out any dissidents, who disappear from society with all trace of their existence wiped out.

They become, in the language of Newspeak (the language used by people in the novel), ‘unpersons’. People are short of food, perpetually on the brink of starvation, and going about in fear for their lives.

The novel’s setting is London, where Trafalgar Square has been renamed Victory Square and the statue of Horatio Nelson atop Nelson’s Column has been replaced by one of Big Brother. Through such touches, Orwell defamiliarises the London of the 1940s which the original readers would have recognised, showing how the London they know might be transformed under a totalitarian regime.

The novel’s protagonist is Winston Smith, who works at the Ministry of Truth, rewriting historical records so they are consistent with the state’s latest version of history. However, even though his day job involves doing the work of the Party, Winston longs to escape the oppressive control of the Party, hoping for a rebellion.

Winston meets the owner of an antique shop named Mr Charrington, from whom he buys a diary in which he can record his true feelings towards the Party. Believing the working-class ‘proles’ are the key to a revolution, Winston visits them, but is disappointed to find them wholly lacking in any political understanding.

Meanwhile, hearing of the existence of an underground resistance movement known as the Brotherhood – which has been formed by the rival of Big Brother, a man named Emmanuel Goldstein – Winston suspects that O’Brien, who also works with him, is involved with this resistance.

At lunch with another colleague, named Syme, Winston learns that the English language is being rewritten as Newspeak so as to control and influence people’s thought, the idea being that if the word for an idea doesn’t exist in the language, people will be unable to think about it.

Winston meets a woman named Julia who works for the Ministry of Truth, maintaining novel-writing machines, but believes she is a Party spy sent to watch him. But then Julia passes a clandestine love message to him and the two begin an affair – which is itself illicit since the Party decrees that sex is for reproduction alone, rather than pleasure.

We gradually learn more about Winston’s past, including his marriage to Katherine, from whom he is now separated. Syme, who had been working on Newspeak, disappears in mysterious circumstances: something Winston had predicted.

O’Brien invites Winston to his flat, declaring himself – as Winston had also predicted – a member of the Brotherhood, the resistance against the Party. He gives Winston a copy of the book written by Goldstein, the leader of the Brotherhood.

When Oceania’s enemy changes during the ritual Hate Week, Winston is tasked with making further historical revisions to old newspapers and documents to reflect this change.

Meanwhile, Winston and Julia secretly read Goldstein’s book, which explains how the Party maintains its totalitarian power. As Winston had suspected, the secret to overthrowing the Party lies in the vast mass of the population known as the ‘proles’ (derived from ‘proletarian’, Marx’s term for the working classes). It argues that the Party can be overthrown if proles rise up against it.

But shortly after this, Winston and Julia are arrested, having been shopped to the authorities by Mr Charrington (whose flat above his shop they had been using for their illicit meetings). It turns out that both he and O’Brien work for the Thought Police, on behalf of the Party.

At the Ministry of Love, O’Brien tells Winston that Goldstein’s book was actually written by him and other Party members, and that the Brotherhood may not even exist. Winston endures torture and starvation in an attempt to grind him down so he will accept Big Brother.

In Room 101, a room in which a prisoner is exposed to their greatest fear, Winston is placed in front of a wire cage containing rats, which he fears above all else. Winston betrays Julia, wishing she could take his place and endure this suffering instead.

His reprogramming complete, Winston is allowed to go free, but he is essentially living under a death sentence: he knows that one day he will be summoned by the authorities and shot for his former treachery.

He meets Julia one day, and learns that she was subjected to torture at the Ministry of Love as well. They have both betrayed each other, and part ways. The novel ends with Winston accepting, after all, that the Party has won and that ‘he loved Big Brother.’

Nineteen Eighty-Four : analysis

Nineteen Eighty-Four is probably the most famous novel about totalitarianism, and about the dangers of allowing a one-party state where democracy, freedom of movement, freedom of speech, and even freedom of thought are all outlawed. The novel is often analysed as a warning about the dangers of allowing a creeping totalitarianism into Britain, after the horrors of such regimes in the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and elsewhere had been witnessed.

Because of this quality of the book, it is often called ‘prophetic’ and a ‘nightmare vision of the future’, among other things.

However, books set in the future are rarely simply about the future. They are not mere speculation, but are grounded in the circumstances in which they were written.

Indeed, we might go so far as to say that most dystopian novels, whilst nominally set in an imagined future, are really using their future setting to reflect on what are already firmly established social or political ideas. In the case of Orwell and Nineteen Eighty-Four , this means the novel reflects the London of the 1940s.

By the time he came to write the novel, Orwell already had a long-standing interest in using his writing to highlight the horrors of totalitarianism around the world, especially following his experience fighting in the Spanish Civil War in the 1930s. As Orwell put it in his essay ‘ Why I Write ’, all of his serious work written since 1936 was written ‘ against totalitarianism and for democratic socialism’.

In his analysis of Nineteen Eighty-Four in his study of Orwell, George Orwell (Reader’s Guides) , Jeffrey Meyers argues convincingly that, rather than being a nightmare vision of the future, a prophetic or speculative work, Orwell’s novel is actually a ‘realistic synthesis and rearrangement of familiar materials’ – indeed, as much of Orwell’s best work is.

His talent lay not in original imaginative thinking but in clear-headed critical analysis of things as they are: his essays are a prime example of this. Nineteen Eighty-Four is, in Meyer’s words, ‘realistic rather than fantastic’.

Indeed, Orwell himself stated that although the novel was ‘in a sense a fantasy’, it is written in the form of the naturalistic novel, with its themes and ideas having been already ‘partly realised in Communism and fascism’. Orwell’s intention, as stated by Orwell himself, was to take the totalitarian ideas that had ‘taken root’ in the minds of intellectuals all over Europe, and draw them out ‘to their logical consequences’.

Like much classic speculative fiction – the novels and stories of J. G. Ballard offer another example – the futuristic vision of the author is more a reflection of contemporary anxieties and concerns. Meyers goes so far as to argue that Nineteen Eighty-Four is actually the political regimes of Nazi Germany and Stalinist Russia ‘transposed’ into London of the early 1940s, during the Second World War.

Certainly, many of the most famous features of Nineteen Eighty-Four were suggested to Orwell by his time working at the BBC in London in the first half of the 1940s: it is well-known that the Ministry of Truth was based on the bureaucratic BBC with its propaganda department, while the infamous Room 101 was supposedly named after a room of that number in the BBC building, in which Orwell had to endure tedious meetings.

The technology of the novel, too, was familiar by the 1940s, involving little innovation or leaps of imagination from Orwell (‘telescreens’ being a natural extension of the television set: BBC TV had been established in 1936, although the Second World War pushed back its development somewhat).

Orwell learned much about the workings of Stalinism from reading Trotsky’s The Revolution Betrayed (1937), written by one of the leading figures in the Russian Revolution of 1917 who saw Stalinist Russia as the antithesis of what Trotsky, Lenin, and those early revolutionaries had been striving to achieve. (This would also be important for Orwell’s Animal Farm , of course.)

And indeed, many of the details surrounding censorship – the rewriting of history, the suppression of dissident literature, the control of the language people use to express themselves and even to think in – were also derived from Orwell’s reading of life in Soviet Russia. Surveillance was also a key element of the Stalinist regime, as in other Communist countries in Europe.

The moustachioed figure of Big Brother in Nineteen Eighty-Four recalls nobody so much as Josef Stalin himself. Not only the ideas of ‘thought crime’ and ‘thought police’, but even the terms themselves, predate Orwell’s use of them: they were first recorded in a 1934 book about Japan.

One of the key questions Winston asks himself in Nineteen Eighty-Four is what the Party is trying to achieve. O’Brien’s answer is simple: the maintaining of power for its own sake. Many human beings want to control other human beings, and they can persuade a worrying number of people to go along with their plans and even actively support them.

Despite the fact that they are starving and living a miserable life, many of the people in Airstrip One love Big Brother, viewing him not as a tyrannical dictator but as their ‘Saviour’ (as one woman calls him). Again, this detail was taken from accounts of Stalin, who was revered by many Russians even though they were often living a wretched life under his rule.

Another key theme of Orwell’s novel is the relationship between language and thought. In our era of fake news and corrupt media, this has only become even more pronounced: if you lie to a population and confuse them enough, you can control them. O’Brien introduces Winston to the work of the traitor to the Party, Emmanuel Goldstein, only to tell him later that Goldstein may not exist and his book was actually written by the Party.

Is this the lie, or was the book the lie? One of the most famous lines from the novel is Winston’s note to himself in his diary: ‘Freedom is the freedom to say that two plus two make four. If that is granted, all else follows.’

But later, O’Brien will force Winston to ‘admit’ that two plus two can make five. Orwell tells us, ‘The Party told you to reject the evidence of your eyes and ears.’

Or as Voltaire once wrote, ‘Truly, whoever is able to make you absurd is able to make you unjust.’ Forcing somebody to utter blatant falsehoods is a powerful psychological tool for totalitarian regimes because through doing so, they have chipped away at your moral and intellectual integrity.

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5 thoughts on “A Summary and Analysis of George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four”

1984 is a novel which is great in spite of itself and has been lionised for the wrong reasons. The title of the novel is a simple anagram of 1948, the date when the novel was written, and was driven by Orwell’s paranoia about the 1945 Labour government in UK. Orwell, a public school man, had built a reputation for hiself in the nineteen thirties as a socialist writer, and had fought for socialism in the Spanish civil war. The Road To Wigan Pier is an excellent polemic attacking the way the UK government was handling the mass unemployment of the time, reducing workers to a state of near starvation. In Homage To Catalonia, Orwell describes his experiences fighting with a small Marxist militia against Franco’s fascists. It was in Spain that Orwell developed his lifelong hatred of Stalinism, observing that the Communist contingents were more interested in suppressing other left-wing factions than in defeating Franco. The 1945 Labour government ws Britain’s first democratically elected socialist governement. It successfully established the welfare state and the National Health Service in a country almost bankrupted by the war, and despite the fact that Truman in USA was demanding the punctual repayment of wartime loans. Instead of rejoicing, Orwell, by now terminally ill from tuberculosis, saw the necessary continuation of wartime austerity and rationing as a deliberate and unnecessary imposition. Consequently, the book is often used as propaganda against socialism. The virtues of the book are the warnings about the dangers of giving the state too much power, in the form of electronic surveillance, ehanced police powers, intrusive laws, and the insidious use of political propaganda to warp peoples’ thinking. All of this has come to pass in the West as well as the East, but because of the overtly anticommunist spin to Orwell’s novel, most people fail to get its important message..

As with other work here, another good review. I’m also fascinated that Orwell located the government as prime problem, whereas Huxley located the people as prime problem, two sides of the same coin.

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Power of Language in 1984

How it works

George Orwell’s novel “1984” dives deep into how a totalitarian government can control people. At its heart, the book shows how powerful language can be when used to manipulate and dominate. Orwell’s idea of Newspeak, the Party’s official language, is a scary example of how words can shape and limit what people think, making sure they stay loyal to the Party’s rules.

• 1 The Role of Newspeak
• 2 Language for Repression
• 3 Psychological Manipulation
• 4 Losing Individualism
• 5 Conclusion

The Role of Newspeak

One of the most striking things in “1984” is Newspeak. This language is made on purpose to eliminate any rebellious thoughts.

If you don’t have the words, you can’t think about rebellion. Newspeak cuts down Oldspeak (regular English) to the bone, stripping away any complexity. A good example is the word “doublethink,” which means holding two opposite beliefs at the same time and believing both are true. This isn’t just about fooling oneself; it’s a way for the Party to enforce its beliefs without anyone questioning them. By controlling language, the Party controls how people see reality, turning lies into truths and vice versa. Newspeak isn’t just a bunch of words; it’s a powerful tool to control minds.

Language for Repression

Newspeak’s control goes beyond vocabulary. It messes with grammar too, limiting what people can think. For instance, adjectives are reduced to just “good” and “ungood,” which wipes out any nuance in moral or intellectual talk. This black-and-white thinking fits the Party’s world perfectly. By limiting what people can express, Newspeak makes sure no one can even think of opposing ideas.

The idea of “thoughtcrime” shows how deeply language is used against personal freedom. Thoughtcrime means thinking against the Party, and Newspeak makes it possible. By getting rid of words related to rebellion or freedom, those concepts become unspeakable and even unthinkable. Without words to question or rebel, people in Oceania are stuck in permanent submission.

Psychological Manipulation

Orwell shows how language manipulates minds through the character of Winston Smith. Winston fights to keep his sense of reality and self, which is a fight against the Party’s control over language. His secret diary, written in Oldspeak, is his way of trying to hold onto his mental freedom. Writing becomes his act of rebellion, a way to keep his identity against Newspeak’s pressure.

The Party also controls language by constantly rewriting history, a process called “reality control” or “doublethink.” By changing the past, the Party always looks perfect. This not only messes with reality but also makes people feel helpless and confused. The changing truth, controlled by language, is key to the Party’s power.

Losing Individualism

The Party’s control over language kills individualism. In a world where language is twisted to serve the state, the idea of being an individual disappears. Personal experiences, feelings, and thoughts are swallowed up by the Party’s collective identity. Language becomes just a tool for state control, wiping out the diversity of human life and turning people into parts of the Party’s machine.

Winston Smith’s story shows this loss of individualism. His fight to keep Oldspeak and his personal memories is crushed by the Party’s control. By the end, Winston gives in to the Party’s views, showing how language control wins over personal thought. His final acceptance of “He loved Big Brother” marks the victory of oppression.

George Orwell’s “1984” is a powerful reminder of how language shapes our thoughts and society. Through Newspeak and its impact on freedom and reality, Orwell warns us about the dangers of language control. The book’s message is clear: manipulating language can destroy truth, individualism, and keep authoritarian power alive. In a world where language is influenced by technology and politics, Orwell’s insights are still relevant, urging us to protect our linguistic and mental freedoms.

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Essay Samples on 1984

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Justification of Violence for Reforms in 1984 and V for Vendetta

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V for Vendetta and 1984: The Revolt Againsts the Authority

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Depiction of Dystopian Worlds in The Handmaid's Tale and 1984

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Parallels in Authority System in 1984 and North Korea

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The Representation of Oppresion in "1984" and "Never Let Me Go"

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George Orwell's Achievements and Impact as an Author

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George Orwell and His Unique Perception of Language

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Examining the Impact of George Orwell on American Society

George Orwell was born in 1903 in Motihari, India, under the name Eric Arthur Blair. In his web article about Orwell, George Woodcock explains Orwell grew up in an atmosphere of “impoverished snobbery” (2018). At an early age his parents sent him to a preparatory...

1984: Frightening Resemblance to America's Reality

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1984: Parallels Between Reality and Dystopian Fiction

“The best books... are those that tell you what you know already.” In the weeks following the ‘inauguration’ of Donald J. Trump, the sales of George Orwell’s most distinguished novel skyrocketed. 1984 flew off the virtual shelves as it hit Amazon’s best-selling book in January...

George Orwell’s “1984” Reflecting the Realities of Life in 21st Century

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Portrait Of Totalitarian Government In Book "1984"

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Best topics on 1984

1. Comparison of “V for Vendetta” and “1984”

2. Surveillance in George Orwell’s “1984”: The Perils of Totalitarian Control

3. The Dynamics of Power in George Orwell’s “1984”

4. Government Surveillance in George Orwell’s “1984”: The Illusion of Security

5. The Viability of a Society Based on Hate in George Orwell’s “1984”

6. Propaganda and Manipulation in George Orwell’s “1984”

7. The Human Experience in George Orwell’s “1984”

8. “Brave New World” and “1984”: Comparison of the Depiction of Power and Control

9. “Animal Farm” and “1984”: Comparison of George Orwell’s Notable Novels

10. 1984′ Book Review: Anomalies and Paradoxes of Human Behaviour

11. Theme, Setting and Symbolism in 1984: an Overview of Orwell’s Novel

12. 1984 Compared to Today: George Orwell’s Use of Themes in the Novel

13. 1984 Compared to Today: Comparison of Technology in the Book and Today

14. The Characterization And Orwell’s Mood In 1984

15. Allegory Elements In George Orwell’s 1984

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Exploring unique narrative voices

I can identify unique narrative voices and use tone and register to write with a unique voice.

Lesson details

Key learning points.

• Register and tone are important parts of establishing voice in a narrative.
• Register is the formality of language whilst tone is the mood of a text.
• 'The Lovely Bones' has a unique perspective, tone and register, making the narrative voice engaging.
• Unique perspectives might include writing from the perspective of an inanimate object, an animal or an abstract idea.
• We can adapt our perspective, register and tone to create unique voices in our own creative writing.

Common misconception

Pupils may not realise that they can choose a unique narrative perspective for their creative writing as they may not have come across that many narrative perspectives other than human.

Tell pupils that writers have written from the perspective of animals, objects, abstract ideas etc. Give examples. 'Black Beauty' is written from a horse's perspective. 'The Book Thief' is narrated by Death.

Register - the level of formality of language

Tone - the mood or attitude conveyed in writing

Voice - the language a writer uses to communicate their perspective or a story

You will need a copy of Chapter 1 of 'The Lovely Bones' by Alice Sebold for this lesson.

Content guidance

• Depiction or discussion of sensitive content
• Depiction or discussion of upsetting content
• Depiction or discussion of serious crime

Supervision

Adult supervision required

This content is © Oak National Academy Limited ( 2024 ), licensed on Open Government Licence version 3.0 except where otherwise stated. See Oak's terms & conditions (Collection 2).

Starter quiz

6 questions.

"Are you alright?" -  

conversational

"I am worried about Edward's health." -  

"My darling, what's wrong?" -  

Women of Eger (1867) by Bertalan Székely. Hungarian National Gallery , Budapest/Google Art Project

The forging of countries

Two distinct and conflicting forms of nationalism – civic and ethnic – helped create the nation-states of europe.

by Luka Ivan Jukić   + BIO

At around three o’clock, on a warm and beautiful summer day, the headwaiter approached Hans Kohn’s table. It was 1914, and Kohn was tucked away with a friend in the cool and quiet Café Radetzky in the Malá Strana area of Prague, preparing for his upcoming bar examination. Sunday strollers crowded the city’s streets and parks while people chatted over beer and coffee in the open air. All presumably an unwelcome distraction for the two young law students.

The waiter’s hand trembled as he handed them a special edition of a local newspaper. It announced that Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, had been assassinated in Sarajevo. The mood in the country would quickly move from bewilderment to belligerence, driving Austria-Hungary into a disastrous world war. Four years later, the country was gone from the map of Europe.

On that warm June day in 1914, few anticipated a war that would reshape the political map of Europe. When Kohn was mobilised into military service, he had expected to be home by Christmas. Instead, he ended up among the unlucky hundreds of thousands captured by Russian troops and cursed to spend the war deep in the Russian imperial interior.

Hans Kohn in the uniform of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1914. Courtesy the Leo Baeck Institute New York

By 1920, when Kohn had made it back to Europe, Prague was the capital of Czechoslovakia, one of several new nation-states that had sprouted up during his absence, based on the principle of national self-determination. These new nation-states replaced the vast multinational – or anational – empires that had previously blanketed central and eastern Europe: the others being the German, Russian, and Ottoman Empires.

Conflicts between various nationalist movements had plagued Habsburg-ruled Austria-Hungary in the decades before its collapse. Once the war was obviously lost, the path was open for them to take over from the delegitimised and eventually deposed Habsburg dynasty. An even more radical nationalism would flourish in the successor states of the various empires. Germany under the Nazi regime – the largest of all – elevated racialist nationalism into the organising principle of its eastward conquests, finding no shortage of local collaborators keen to settle scores with their supposed national enemies.

Countless millions would perish in the orgy of violence unleashed by their messianic nationalist dreams, including the majority of Prague’s Jewish community to which Kohn had once belonged. In the wake of the Second World War, 12 million Germans were sent westwards out of fear or retribution. All the Allied powers agreed that the surest guarantee of future stability for central and eastern European nation-states was to have as few ethnic minorities as possible. Kohn’s youth in fin de siècle Austria-Hungary had been spent in one of the most ethnically diverse countries in Europe. By the mid-20th century, its former territories hosted some of its most homogeneous.

F or Kohn, the real culprit for the downfall of his multinational homeland was not the war itself, but the force of nationalism that in its waning years exerted such a powerful sway over its people. He was hardly alone in this assessment. For at least three-quarters of a century, central and eastern Europe has served as the prime example of the pitfalls of nationalism. In particular, of the kind of ethnic nationalism that, we are often told, is characteristic of this non-Western world.

It was this particularly central and eastern European ethnic nationalism, this perspective goes, that was responsible for the collapse of the diverse and cosmopolitan Habsburg Monarchy. For the failure of the new democracies that took over from empires in 1918 – Germany, Austria, Poland, Czechoslovakia and others. And for the rise of authoritarian and fascist regimes in their place, the largest of which would go on to perpetrate the most horrific genocide in human history in the Holocaust.

According to this orthodox view, the essentially ethnic nature of central and eastern European nationalism contrasts starkly with that of the Western democracies of France, the United Kingdom and the United States. They are characterised as thoroughly civic nations, based not on supposedly primordial tribal identity, but on common citizenship and a democratic understanding of politics. In all three, the US, UK and France, their civic nationalism is a centuries-old tradition, dating back to their foundation as modern nations.

Kohn was the first historian to systematically seek out the roots of this divergence between the nature of nationhood in the Western democracies, and the central and eastern European countries in his weighty book The Idea of Nationalism (1944). Kohn’s book grew into a foundational work of ‘nationalism studies’ in the Anglophone world and has influenced generations of scholars and readers alike. He did not just see Western and non-Western nationalisms as different, but came to believe they were, in effect, totally different phenomena.

The assimilation of minorities into the dominant ethnicity in Western nation-states was celebrated as progress

Kohn argued that Western nationalisms were ‘based upon liberal middle-class concepts … pointing to a consummation in a democratic world society’, while central and eastern European nationalisms derived from ‘irrational and pre-enlightened concepts … tending towards exclusiveness’. The enlightened Western ones, he claimed, developed in France, the UK and the US, the primordial superstitious ones in Germany, before spreading across the rest of central and eastern Europe and, eventually, the world. The backwardness of all non-Western countries apparently made it all but predetermined that the latter would win out over the former.

While the distinction between these two kinds of nationhood was known to 19th-century thinkers, the notion that ethnic and civic aspects of nationhood were necessarily in conflict, or that one or the other was purely characteristic of a certain part of Europe, was not. Western ‘civic’ nation-states have always been built on the dominance of certain ethnic groups with their own language, traditions and myths of origin and distinctiveness. Indeed, the assimilation of minorities into the dominant ethnicity in Western nation-states was celebrated as progress.

Central and eastern European nationalists did not ‘reject’ the civic values of their Western counterparts but tried to follow them closely. They acknowledged civic rights for all that lived in a given nation-state but sought – like their Western counterparts – to eventually see all ethnic, linguistic or religious minorities assimilated into the general civic nation that was ultimately shaped by the dominant ‘state-forming’ ethnic group.

They were in awe of the assimilatory power of the English language and its culture in Britain or North America, and of the French equivalents ultimately defined in and around Paris. That German or Hungarian nationalists wanted to see Slavs or Jews shed their culture and become true Germans and Hungarians did not reflect some ‘irrational and pre-enlightened’ exclusivism. It simply reflected the reality of the Western nation-state.

Nevertheless, in nationalism studies, this geographic distinction between Western civic and non-Western (or ‘Eastern’) ethnic nationalism remains one of the most deeply engrained orthodoxies. The problem is it simply isn’t true. To understand how this misleading but influential view took shape, it is necessary to understand how the descent into ethnic extremism in early 20th-century central Europe shaped the enduring works of early theorists of nationalism. Many of whom – like Kohn himself – were ultimately shaped by its consequences, their work marked by a deep desire to discover where the histories of their homelands had ‘gone wrong’.

K ohn was born in 1891 in Austria-Hungary, perhaps the most bewildering state in modern European history. In fact, it wasn’t one state at all, but two. The half colloquially referred to as Austria consisted of three kingdoms, six duchies, two archduchies, a grand duchy, two margraviates, two princely counties and a free city, all with their own unique histories, identities, flags, forms of patriotism, celebrations of belonging and more. The other, Hungarian half itself had a kingdom within a kingdom in Croatia-Slavonia.

Profile portrait of Hans Kohn. Courtesy the Leo Baeck Institute , New York

What united all these political entities was the emperor-king Franz Joseph, who sat atop the Habsburg dynasty that had ruled most of these polities for centuries. With two brief interruptions, the Hapsburg family, from the 15th century to 1866, had acted as hereditary heads of the entirety of today’s Germany, first as Holy Roman Emperors and then as ‘heads of the presiding power’ of the German Confederation, itself consisting of 39 different German states.

This bewildering political tapestry did not make for simple nation-building on the Western model. France and Britain were centralised, but central Europe was decentralised. The former had dominant national languages, but the latter was extremely multilingual. The former had strong centres of political authority, the latter diffuse and overlapping ones. Kohn’s hometown of Prague was the historical capital of the Kingdom of Bohemia sandwiched between the Austrian duchies to the south and the rest of Germany to the north. It was a prime example of the kind of national complexities arising from this complicated Habsburg inheritance.

In the 18th and 19th centuries, Bohemian natives nurtured wildly different visions of their homeland’s place in a possible national state. Most German-speaking Bohemians envisioned it as a part of Germany or a German-dominated Austrian state. Nationally conscious Bohemian Slavs variously imagined it as part of a wider Slavic-Austrian state, a more narrowly ‘Czechoslovak’ one, a purely Czech one, or even a bilingual Czech-German nation-state.

Only after 1871 did the idea that civic borders should conform to ‘objective’ national ones based on ethnic criteria come to prominence

The problem faced by all nationalisms emerging out of central Europe before 1918 was that no ethnic nation was congruent with the state. Insofar as German or Czech-speaking nationalists in Bohemia, for example, saw their nation as the one truly representative of the kingdom, they would have to assimilate their rivals against their will. Or, as Kohn maintained, ‘redraw the political boundaries in conformity with ethnographic demands’, supposedly one of the tenets of ‘non-Western’ nationalisms.

Somewhat bizarrely considering nationalism captivated Europe only in the 19th century, Kohn concluded The Idea of Nationalism with the 18th, content that he had discovered the roots of the two nationalisms by then. Yet the historical record contains very few demands from 18th- or even 19th-century eastern and central Europeans for the redrawing of borders. The first example of ‘objective’ ethnographic measures being used as the basis for border changes in Europe was in the Franco-Prussian War in 1871, and there its goal is only the exchange of a few villages on the initiative of an entrepreneurial statistician.

Only in the decades after 1871 did this idea that civic borders should conform to ‘objective’ national ones based on ethnic criteria come to prominence. Importantly, it arose with the maturity of nationalist movements, not at their birth. For most of the 19th century, we find political or civic nations in central Europe seeking to assert their rights to manage their own affairs while opening up the boundaries of the nation to people of wildly diverse religious or linguistic backgrounds. In return, however, they asked for assimilation, that outsiders identify with the political community of the state and its leading ethnic group. Sometimes – as in Bohemia – competing claims arose about the question of which ethnic group had the right to be identified with the political nation.

Scholars usually date the emergence of modern nationalism to the 18th century. But it’s also true that the word ‘nation’ has been used in Europe for centuries. What changed is the modern claim that nations consist of the ‘masses’ and the modern nationalist assertion of the rights of those masses to statehood. That’s what we call ‘nationalism’.

But for a long time before modern nationalism, the word ‘nation’ frequently referred to political nations in premodern Europe. That is, the nation as a corporate group consisting of those whose rights and privileges marked them out as a distinct group in and above society. Whose privileges made them the group that ruled society, complete with their own language, customs, traditions and identity. This is why one of the great innovations of the French Revolution was the extension of nationhood through political emancipation to the broad masses of French society.

Kohn saw the romantic veneration of the common folk as the root of reactionary non-Western nationalism

The nobilities of the Habsburg-ruled kingdoms – of diverse ethnic and linguistic origins – had strong and well-developed conceptions of belonging to a common nation. So strong, in fact, that they resisted incorporation into the kind of centralised absolutist states characteristic of 18th-century Europe. The Habsburg Monarchy was nearly torn apart by the pressures of such policies pursued by Joseph II, who rescinded most of them on his deathbed in 1790.

In the kingdoms of Bohemia, Hungary and Croatia, nationalism was pioneered in the 19th century by patriotic nobles keen to assert their ‘state right’. That is, their political sovereignty as a corporate nation with the right to manage their own affairs. They were aided by small groups of middle-class publicists and scholars who, under the strong influence of German romanticism, sought to reform and cultivate vernacular languages native to the kingdoms, build narratives of historical continuity for the nations, and educate the broader masses in order to make them productive members of the nation at large. Kohn saw exactly this romantic veneration of the common folk as the root of reactionary non-Western nationalism.

He even claimed in The Idea of Nationalism that, after 1806, local central European elites proclaimed ‘the uniqueness of the folk … as an aggressive factor in the struggle against Western society and civilisation.’ An exaggeration of the role played by some nationalist publicists during the Napoleonic Wars, whose vitriolic anti-French views were more important to Wilhelmine or First World War-era German nationalists than 19th-century ones.

German liberal nationalists of the first half of the 19th century contrasted their envisioned nation-state not with Western society and civilisation, but with the reactionary princely confederation in which they lived. When national revolts broke out in Greece or Poland, German nationalists cheered their fellow Europeans fighting for freedom against despotic regimes. They largely recognised the liberal struggle as a cosmopolitan European one, not as a narrowly German one nor as one that existed in opposition to ‘the West’.

England and France as bastions of progress and civilisation presented models for admiration, emulation, and – occasionally – envy. In the 1830s and ’40s, Hungary’s generation of reform nobles who transformed the country’s social and political life were enamoured by England, as were many German intellectuals. England seemed to represent everything that their countries lacked in terms of national and political life, where the prosperity created by liberal social and political ideas allowed for the full flourishing of national life.

The most difficult question faced by liberal nationalists in ‘non-Western’ countries was not how to redraw borders to make nation and state congruous. It was rather how to reconcile the model provided by France, England or the US with their own circumstances. In other words, how to transform the civic nation from a narrow noble elite to a broader public of educated middle-class men from a confusing collection of linguistically and politically diverse states tied together by the House of Habsburg.

I n 1848, a series of revolutions broke out across Europe. Terrified at the sight of disgruntled masses in the streets, European monarchs made once-unthinkable concessions. They called democratically elected assemblies, drafted constitutions and ratified liberal laws. Though by 1850 the revolutions would be defeated – the assemblies closed, constitutions revoked and laws overturned – they had given the middle-class liberal nationalist public its first taste of politics.

The opening of the Frankfurt Parliament in Paulskirche in 1848. Note the portrait of Germania. Courtesy Wikipedia

In 1848, a German National Assembly formed in Frankfurt where revolutionaries produced the first draft constitution for a German nation-state. Hungary, meanwhile, adopted a raft of liberal legislation in spring 1848 that transformed it into a modern parliamentary state. The realisation of the right of ‘historic’ nations like Hungary and Germany (as well as Italy and Poland) to statehood would have meant a de facto partition of central Europe among these four nation-states. Revolutionaries across Europe celebrated the prospect, dismissing the objections of Czechs, Slovaks or Slovenes who would be subsumed in the German or Hungarian nation-states as the cries of ‘unhistoric’ nations or mere ‘fragments of peoples’.

None of these nationalist movements sought to withhold civic rights to members of ethnic minorities. Rather, they expected them to assimilate, as did those minorities who lived in prosperous, progressive Western states. As one deputy asked in the Frankfurt Parliament in 1848: ‘What would the French say if the Breton, Basque and old Ligurian fragments of peoples declared they no longer wanted to be French?’

Deference to the Western nation-state – where the supposedly most advanced ethnic group in the state had become the core of a democratic civic nation – was a common point made in prerevolutionary Hungary as well. The politician Ferenc Pulszky, who himself had travelled extensively in Britain, asked in the 1840s: ‘What do we Hungarians demand of the Slavs[?] … we demand nothing more than what the English ask of the Celtic inhabitants of Wales and high Scotland, nothing more than the French ask of Brittany and Alsace.’ Pulszky could not see why the civic model of nationhood could work for France but not Hungary.

Perhaps 40 per cent of the country spoke Hungarian – not enough to claim that only Hungarian be used in public life

The Western nation-state was a model for some, but a warning for others. From the enslavement of people of African descent and the displacement of native Americans in the US to the suppression of minority languages and dialects in France to the disenfranchisement of Catholics in the UK and the gradual elimination of Celtic languages, Western nationalisms were predicated on the homogenising force of a dominant national group that gave no quarter to national minorities in public life. Unsurprisingly, representatives of national minorities in German states and in Hungary near-universally refused to accept subordinate status in someone else’s nation-state. Or to recognise that the nation-state belonged to groups that were themselves minorities.

Though Bohemia’s elites overwhelmingly spoke German, the majority of Bohemians were Czech speakers. Hungary, meanwhile, was perhaps the most linguistically diverse country in Europe. German dominated its cities, Hungarian the nobility, and Latin served as the official language until 1844. Yet the masses spoke an array of Slavic, Romance, Germanic and Hungarian vernaculars. Only perhaps 40 per cent of the country spoke Hungarian (even by the 1880 census, it was only 46.5 per cent), a plurality but not enough to claim that only Hungarian could be used in public life.

Given the examples set by Western countries, it makes sense that Hungarian nationalists presumed that the predominant national vernacular would be the linguistic rallying point for national development. France, the US and the UK were all home to enormous ethnic, linguistic and racial minorities. But these minorities were either assimilated to the dominant nationality or excluded from national life altogether.

Conversely, there was little reason to expect that nationally conscious Czechs should have accepted that their state was fundamentally German. Or that Hungary’s numerous nationally conscious minorities – Croats with their own subordinate kingdom, Slovaks concentrated heavily in the north, or Romanians who formed majorities in large swathes of Transylvania – should have accepted the conflation of a Magyar ethnic nation with a Hungarian state. In either case, this had little to do with any kind of distinct idea of nationalism but was caused by inherent contradictions in the model of the idealised Western nation-state in a central European context.

Despite such conflicts and contradictions, central European nationalists did not reject the civic nation. The final draft of the revolutionary constitution produced by the Frankfurt Parliament declared in the most straightforward civic terms: ‘The German people consists of the citizens of the states that form the German Empire.’ In 1868, a year after the creation of Austria-Hungary out of a unitary Austrian Empire, the new Hungarian government wrote into the constitution that there would be only a single Hungarian nation. Multiple ‘nationalities’ were also recognised, but there was only a single civic nation. Anyone could be a member, but they had to speak, dress and effectively become a Magyar.

It was an outrage to minority nationalists, but surely no less of an outrage than the national development of Western nation-states. The French Ministry of Public Instruction found in 1863 that at least a quarter of the country spoke no French at all. For the millions of Occitans in the south – whose Romance tongue was at least related to standard French – to Celtic Bretons in the northwest, rebellious Corsicans and totally unique Basques in the southwest, ‘becoming French’ entailed assimilation into a language and culture that was not quite theirs. The congruence of the French ethnic and civic nations was not a result of pure ideas, but of decades – centuries even – of nation-building.

I n the latter half of the 19th century, international statisticians were faced with a seemingly intractable question: how could a nation be measured objectively? From the 1850s, a series of conferences had brought together statisticians from across Europe and North America in an attempt to harmonise how countries collected statistics around the world. In 1872, they endorsed the notion that ‘mother tongue’ could determine the boundaries of nationalities. But this was not a universally recognised measure. The following year, the newly founded International Commission on Statistics tasked three Austro-Hungarians with tackling the problem head-on.

The Austro-Hungarians couldn’t agree. One put forward the civic idea of conscious self-identification, another the ethnic idea that it was ‘racial’, and the third simply argued it was a complicated mix that was difficult to measure universally. The tensions between civic and ethnic nationalisms were on full display, but they had little to do with geography. Their range of opinions came at a time in the late 19th century in which ethnic nationalism was increasingly influential across the continent, inspired by the rise of racialist thinking, eugenics and social Darwinism.

By the turn of the 20th century, young radicals across Europe put forth ethnic conceptions of nationhood in which Jews especially were singled out as being a foreign element supposedly unable to be a member of the political community of the nation. But the appearance of antisemitism did not signal a quick triumph among nationalisms with long traditions of Jewish assimilation. In the years up to 1918, the majority of German Jews insisted that they were simply ‘German citizens of the Jewish faith’. Jews in Hungary were no less assimilated. In Austria and Bohemia, most Jews were German-speakers who similarly identified themselves as German.

Kohn was one such German-speaking Jewish Bohemian. He embraced Zionism prior to the First World War, at a time when it was a tiny movement among the elite, and assimilated, Jewish communities of central Europe. After stints in Paris and London, he ended up in Palestine in the mid-1920s hoping to live his Zionist beliefs. After a wave of violent riots broke out there in 1929, Kohn grew disillusioned. The same ‘spirit of extreme nationalism among [Austria-Hungary’s] peoples’ that had made the ‘building of a peaceful multiethnic state’ he saw manifesting itself in Palestine too. He opted to abandon Palestine for the US, where he settled in 1933.

Citizenship cannot force people to feel part of a civic nation

Unlike in the empire of his youth, or the Jewish state of his dreams, in the US Kohn thought he had found a country in which nationalism as a progressive and tolerant force had produced a truly just and liberal society. The contrast between this US reality and the exclusivist ambitions of German, Zionist or Czech nationalists deeply moved the former lawyer-cum-historian. Nationalism, he concluded, was not the problem, but only a certain ‘type’ of non-Western nationalism.

But nationalisms – both Western and non-Western – contain a complicated mixture of civic and ethnic factors, excluding some while offering others the chance for inclusion through assimilation. The state acts as the most powerful force for both. That’s why historians of nationalism like to say states make nations, not the other way around. Nationalism is, by definition, exclusivist insofar as it excludes those who do not think of themselves as a part of the nation. Citizenship cannot force people to feel part of a civic nation, just as citizenship does not stop some from trying to exclude others from their ethnic nation.

Today, it feels vaguely accurate to say that countries like the US, the UK or France base their national identity on the ‘civic’ nationhood of common citizenship. Poland, Hungary, Czechia or even Russia, on the other hand, appear wedded to a more ethnic idea of nationhood rooted in a common language, traditions and myths of origin. It would be an error to read the world of 2024 into the past, as much as it would be an error to read the world of 1944 into the past. An error to assume that today’s ethnic homogeneity in central and eastern European countries, as well as the inclusive nationhoods of Western democracies, are nothing but the consummation of eternal and essential truths rather than the result of contingent historical events. Unfortunately, this was precisely Kohn’s error.

In many ways, Kohn’s The Idea of Nationalism is really a book about a prototype of the Sonderweg (‘special path’) thesis, seeking to explain where German history had ‘gone wrong’ to such an extent that it led to Nazism. Why it did not follow the supposedly inclusive path of other Western countries like France, UK and the US but instead went down a fascist path that culminated in the catastrophe of the Second World War and the Holocaust.

Yet the US of the 1930s that Kohn was so enamoured with was a country whose extremely restrictive immigration policies sought to retain ‘Anglo-Saxon’ ethnic dominance, to which end much of the country mandated racial segregation until the 1960s. With few exceptions, over the past three centuries, the building of all modern nation-states required one ethnic group dominating and assimilating others.

Looking for the ‘roots’ of central and eastern Europe’s lagging behind the West in modernisation, and also at the horror of Nazism, led Kohn to make anachronistic claims about the long-term ethnic continuity and nature of their nations. Civic and ethnic nationalisms were never two distinct courses of historical development taken by different nations, but in fact two different aspects of the development of almost all modern nation-states. The tension between them unfolded across the 19th and 20th centuries as nationalism spread across Europe and the world.

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Home — Essay Samples — Literature — 1984 — A Review of George Orwell’s Book, 1984

A Review of George Orwell’s Book, 1984

• Categories: 1984 George Orwell

About this sample

Words: 673 |

Published: Jan 15, 2019

Words: 673 | Page: 1 | 4 min read

Works Cited

• Arendt, H. (1966). The Origins of Totalitarianism. Harcourt, Brace & World.
• Bauman, Z. (1998). Globalization: The Human Consequences. Columbia University Press.
• Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Vintage Books.
• Huxley, A. (1932). Brave New World. Chatto & Windus.
• Marcuse, H. (1964). One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society. Beacon Press.
• Orwell, G. (1984). 1984. Signet Classics.
• Sartre, J. P. (1948). Anti-Semite and Jew. Schocken Books.
• Skinner, B. F. (1971). Beyond Freedom and Dignity. Hackett Publishing Company.
• Snyder, T. (2018). The Road to Unfreedom: Russia, Europe, America. Tim Duggan Books.
• Zamyatin, Y. (1924). We. Penguin Classics.

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