frederick ii essay on forms of government

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14. Essay on the Forms of Government and the Duties of Sovereigns

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Frederick the Great’s Philosophical Writings

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Andreas Pečar, Frederick the Great’s Philosophical Writings, German History , Volume 39, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 465–467, https://doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghab048

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The goal of this collection of writings by Frederick II of Prussia is to bring the most important ideas of the Prussian king to a contemporary English readership. The book includes fourteen works written in very differing situations. Frederick’s ‘Dissertation on the Innocence of Errors of Mind’, the first ʽPreface to History of My Age ’, ‘Critical Examination of The System of Nature ’, ‘Dialogue of the Dead between Madame de Pompadour and the Virgin Mary’ and ‘Essay on the Forms of Government and the Duties of Sovereigns’ all remained unpublished during his lifetime. ‘Anti-Machiavel’ appeared anonymously at the time of his succession to the throne, due to Voltaire’s intervention, and against Frederick’s will. The two poems—ʽTo Marshall Keith’ and ‘To My Soul’—were parts of his Œuvres du philosophe du Sans-Souci , which he shared only with select addressees on the emphatic condition that it remained secret. Frederick’s ʽExamination of the Essay on Prejudic e’ as well as his ʽLetter on Education’ were published anonymously and specified a fictitious editor. Only his ʽDissertation on the Reasons for Establishing or Repealing Laws’, ‘Preface to Extracts from Bayle’s Historical and Critical Dictionary ’, ʽPreface to Abridgement of the Ecclesiastical History by Fleury’ and ʽEssay on Self-Love, Considered as a Principle of Morality’ appeared under Frederick’s name during his lifetime.

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• > Journals
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• > PHILOSOPHY AND POLITICAL AGENCY IN THE WRITINGS OF...

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Philosophy and political agency in the writings of frederick ii of prussia.

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 November 2020

Frederick II's writings have conventionally been viewed either as political tools or as means of public self-fashioning – part of his campaign to raise the status of Prussia from middling principality to great power. This article, by contrast, argues that Frederick's works must also be taken seriously on their own terms, and interpreted against the background of Enlightenment philosophy. Frederick's notions of kingship and state service were not governed mostly by a principle of pure morality or ‘humanitarianism’, as argued influentially by Friedrich Meinecke. On the contrary, the king's views were part and parcel of an eighteenth-century vision of modern kingship in commercial society, based on the benign pursuit of self-love and luxury. A close analysis of Frederick's writings demonstrates that authorial labour was integral to his political agency, publicly placing constraints on what could be perceived as legitimate conduct, rather than mere intellectual window-dressing or an Enlightened pastime in irresolvable tension with his politics.

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The article is based on the annual Quentin Skinner Lecture in Modern Intellectual History at the University of Cambridge, April 2018. I am grateful to the electors to the Quentin Skinner Fellowship for the invitation to deliver the Lecture, and to the discussants and audience at Cambridge for helpful suggestions and comments. The main arguments and examples also appear in the introduction to Frederick the Great's philosophical writings , ed. Avi Lifschitz, trans. Angela Scholar (Princeton, NJ, 2021).

1 Tocqueville , Alexis de , The ancien régime and the French Revolution , ed. Elster , Jon , trans. Goldhammer , Arthur ( Cambridge , 2011 ), p. 11 Google Scholar ; Tocqueville , Alexis de , L'ancien régime et la Révolution , ed. Mayer , J.-P. ( Paris , 1967 ), p. 57 Google Scholar .

2 Koser , Reinhold , Friedrich der Große als Kronprinz ( Stuttgart , 1886 ), p. 135 Google Scholar .

3 On Frederick's orchestration of his own ‘greatness’, see Luh , Jürgen , Der Große. Friedrich II. von Preußen ( Munich , 2011 ) Google Scholar ; Biskup , Thomas , Friedrichs Größe. Inszenierungen des Preußenkönigs in Fest und Zeremoniell, 1740–1815 ( Frankfurt am Main , 2012 ) Google Scholar ; Kohl , Katrin , ‘ Publizistische Inszenierung von Größe. Friedrichs Schriften als Medium des Ruhms ’, in Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Gärten, Friederisiko: Friedrich der Große. Die Essays ( Munich , 2012 ), pp. 26 – 35 Google Scholar .

4 von Haller , Karl Ludwig , Restauration der Staats-Wissenschaft, oder Theorie des natürlich-geselligen Zustands, der Chimäre des künstlich-bürgerlichen entgegengesetzt ( 2nd edn , 6 vols., Winterthur , 1820 ), ii , pp. 188 –92 Google Scholar . See also Kapossy , Béla , ‘ Karl Ludwig Haller's critique of liberal peace ’, in Kapossy , Béla , Nakhimovsky , Isaac , and Whatmore , Richard , eds., Commerce and peace in the Enlightenment ( Cambridge , 2017 ), pp. 244 –71 CrossRef Google Scholar .

5 Meinecke , Friedrich , Die Idee der Staatsräson in der neueren Geschichte ( Munich , 1924 ), pp. 1 – 20 , 350–73 Google Scholar .

6 Schieder , Theodor , Friedrich der Große. Ein Königtum der Widersprüche ( Frankfurt am Main , 1983 ) Google Scholar , abridged as Frederick the Great , trans. Sabina Berkeley and H. M. Scott (London, 2000).

7 See, most recently, Pečar , Andreas , Die Masken des Königs. Friedrich II. von Preußen als Schriftsteller ( Frankfurt am Main , 2016 ) Google Scholar .

8 Œuvres de Frédéric le Grand , ed. Johann David Erdmann Preuß (30 vols., Berlin, 1846–56) (henceforth OFG ). This edition is freely accessible online at http://friedrich.uni-trier.de/ .

9 An early example can be found in Frederick's letter to Voltaire, 12 June 1740 (D2233), in Œuvres complètes de Voltaire , ed. Theodore Besterman et al. (Geneva and Oxford, 1968–2021) (henceforth OCV ), xci , p. 205.

10 See Quentin Skinner's distinction between recoverable discursive intentions and irretrievable psychological motives in ‘Motives, intentions and interpretation’, in Visions of politics (3 vols., Cambridge, 2002), i, pp. 90–102. On self-imposed constraints and the question of sincerity, see Skinner's ‘Augustan party politics and Renaissance constitutional thought’, in Visions of politics , ii, pp. 344–67.

11 Charles-Philippe d'Albert, duc de Luynes, Mémoires du duc de Luynes sur la cour de Louis XV, 1735–1758 , iii, ed. Louis Dussieux and Eudore Soulié (Paris, 1860), p. 267.

12 See section IV below.

13 ‘The sovereign, far from being the absolute master of the people who are under his domination, is himself only their first servant’ (‘Anti-Machiavel’, in Frederick the Great's philosophical writings , ed. Avi Lifschitz, trans. Angela Scholar (Princeton, NJ, 2021), p. 15 (henceforth FGPW )).

14 On the differences between Pufendorf's historical works and Frederick's own accounts of his dynasty, see Clark , Christopher , Time and power: visions of history in German politics from the Thirty Years’ War to the Third Reich ( Princeton, NJ , 2019 ), pp. 72 – 117 Google Scholar ; Pečar, Masken des Königs , pp. 33–81.

15 Skinner , Quentin , ‘ The state ’, in Ball , Terence , Farr , James , and Hanson , Russell L. , eds., Political innovation and conceptual change ( Cambridge , 1989 ), pp. 90 – 131 Google Scholar ; idem, ‘From the state of princes to the person of the state’, in Visions of politics , ii, pp. 368–413.

16 Ch. 17 in Hobbes , Thomas , Leviathan , ed. Malcolm , Noel ( Oxford , 2012 ), ii .i, pp. 254 –7 Google Scholar . For Pufendorf's version: Of the law of nature and nations , trans. Basil Kennet (London, 1717), book vii , ch. 2, p. 476.

17 Skinner, ‘From the state of princes’, p. 405.

18 As Frederick usually read classical and modern philosophy in French, the most probable conduit was Jean Barbeyrac's French translation of Pufendorf's De iure naturae et gentium under the title Le droit de la nature et des gens (Amsterdam, 1706). On Barbeyrac's background in the Huguenot community in Berlin, see Sieglinde Othmer, Berlin und die Verbreitung des Naturrechts in Europa (Berlin, 1970), pp. 60–90.

19 ‘Essay on the forms of government and the duties of sovereigns’, FGPW , p. 199.

20 Ibid ., p. 205.

21 ‘Speech to parliament of 21 March 1610’, in King James VI and I, Political writings , ed. Johann P. Sommerville (Cambridge, 1995), p. 181 (modernized orthography).

22 See also ‘The trew law of free monarchies’, ibid., pp. 62–84.

23 Bodin, On sovereignty , ed. Julian H. Franklin (Cambridge, 1992), Book i .8.3 (Bodin, Les Six livres de la République / De Republica libri sex , Book i , ed. Mario Turchetti and Nicolas de Araujo, preface by Quentin Skinner (Paris, 2013), pp. 448–9). Unlike James VI and I or, subsequently, Bossuet, biblical precedent did not play a central role in Bodin's theory.

24 Ibid ., p. 23.

25 Bossuet, Politics drawn from the very words of Holy Scripture , ed. Patrick Riley (Cambridge, 1990), p. 245; Politique tirée des propres paroles des l'Ecriture sainte , ed. Jacques Le Brun (Geneva, 1967), p. 272.

26 ‘Examination of the Essay on prejudice ’, FGPW , p. 177.

27 Ch. 21 in Hobbes, Leviathan , ed. Malcolm, ii .i, p. 332.

28 See the introduction to François de Salignac de la Mothe-Fénelon, Telemachus , ed. Patrick Riley (Cambridge, 1994), pp. xiv–xv.

29 Bratuscheck , Ernst , Die Erziehung Friedrichs des Großen ( Berlin , 1885 ), pp. 27 –8 CrossRef Google Scholar ; Zeller , Eduard , Friedrich der Große als Philosoph ( Berlin , 1886 ), pp. 237 –8 Google Scholar .

30 Schieder, Friedrich der Große , p. 105; Schieder, Frederick the Great , p. 77. Schieder notes that Frederick contrasted at the outset of chapter vii of Anti-Machiavel an angelic Fénelon to a demonic Machiavelli ( FGPW , p. 27). The purpose of this juxtaposition was, however, surely to dismiss both views of morality as exaggerated and non-practical.

31 Meinecke, Idee der Staatsräson , pp. 350–1. An exception, emphasizing the modern elements in Anti-Machiavel (from a political perspective) is Isaac Nakhimovsky, ‘The enlightened prince and the future of Europe: Voltaire and Frederick the Great's Anti-Machiavel of 1740’, in Kapossy, Nakhimovsky, and Whatmore, eds., Commerce and peace , pp. 44–77.

32 ‘Examination of the Essay on prejudice ’, FGPW , p. 176.

33 The literature on the luxury debate is vast. A partial list would include Hirschman , Albert , The passions and the interests: political arguments for capitalism before its triumph ( Princeton, NJ , 1977 ) CrossRef Google Scholar ; Hont , István and Ignatieff , Michael , eds., Wealth and virtue: the shaping of political economy in the Scottish Enlightenment ( Cambridge , 1983 ) CrossRef Google Scholar ; Berry , Christopher , The idea of luxury: a conceptual and historical investigation ( Cambridge , 1994 ) CrossRef Google Scholar ; Hont , István , Jealousy of trade: international competition and the nation-state in historical perspective ( Cambridge, MA , 2005 ) Google Scholar ; idem, ‘The early Enlightenment debate on commerce and luxury’, in Mark Goldie and Robert Wokler, eds., The Cambridge history of eighteenth-century political thought (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 379–418.

34 Saint-Lambert , Jean-François de , ‘ Luxe ’, in Diderot , Denis and Jean-Baptiste le Rond d'Alembert , eds., Encyclopédie, ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers , ix ( Neuchâtel , 1765 ), pp. 763 –71 Google Scholar (at p. 763).

35 ‘Commerce cures destructive prejudices, and it is an almost general rule that everywhere there are gentle mores, there is commerce and that everywhere there is commerce, there are gentle mores’ (Book xx , ch. 1, in Montesquieu, The spirit of the laws , trans. A. M. Cohler, B. C. Miller, and H. S. Stone (Cambridge, 1989), p. 338; ‘De l'esprit des lois’, in Œuvres complètes , ed. Roger Caillois (2 vols., Paris, 1949–51), ii, p. 585).

36 Letter 25 in Voltaire, Philosophical letters; or, letters concerning the English nation , ed. John Leigh, trans. Prudence Steiner (Indianapolis, IN, 2007), p. 103.

37 Gottmann , Felicia , ‘ Du Châtelet, Voltaire, and the transformation of Mandeville's Fable ’, History of European Ideas , 38 ( 2012 ), pp. 218 –32 CrossRef Google Scholar . Du Châtelet's version of Mandeville's Fable is available as an appendix in Wade , Ira O. , Studies on Voltaire: with some unpublished papers of Mme du Châtelet ( Princeton, NJ , 1947 ) Google Scholar .

38 See W. H. Barber's introduction to the Traité in OCV , xiv , pp. 384–7, 409–11.

39 OCV , xvi, pp. 295–303. See Haydn Mason's introduction to Le Mondain (ibid., pp. 273–88); Cronk , Nicholas , ‘ The Epicurean spirit: champagne and the defence of poetry in Voltaire's Le Mondain ’, Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century , 371 ( 1999 ), pp. 53 – 80 Google Scholar ; Wade, Studies on Voltaire , pp. 49–56.

40 OCV , xvi , p. 296.

41 ‘The illustrious [seventeenth-century Swedish] Queen Christina abandoned her kingdom to look for the arts; govern, Sir, and let the arts come looking for you’ (Voltaire to Frederick, 26 Aug. 1736, in OFG , xxi, p. 8). For an exhortation to continue writing rhymed verse, see Voltaire to Frederick, [12?] Oct. 1737 (D1375), in OCV , lxxxviii , p. 380.

42 ‘Le Mondain’, lines 22–9, OCV , xvi , p. 296; ‘Au prince royal de Prusse’, lines 71–5, ibid., p. 380.

43 ‘Défense du Mondain’ (early 1737), lines 113–19, OCV , xvi , pp. 308–9.

44 ‘Sachez surtout que le luxe enrichit / Un grand État, s'il en perd un petit’ (‘Défense du Mondain’, OCV , xvi , p. 306).

45 Voltaire to Frederick, 16 Nov. 1743 (D2887), OCV , xciii , p. 25.

46 ‘Au prince royal de Prusse’ (Sept.–Oct. 1736), lines 76–89, OCV , xvi , pp. 381–2.

47 Voltaire to Frederick, Jan. 1737 (D1251), OCV , lxxxviii , p. 190.

48 Frederick to Voltaire, 16 Jan. 1737 (D1261), OCV , lxxxviii , p. 205. See also Voltaire's programmatic letter about ethics (D1376), 15 Oct. 1737: ibid., pp. 381–5.

49 ‘Anti-Machiavel’, FGPW , p. 47; my emphases.

50 Book vii , ch. 4, in Montesquieu, Spirit of the laws , p. 100; Œuvres completes , ii, pp. 336–7. Cf. Dreitzel , Horst , Monarchiebegriffe in der Fürstengesellschaft (2 vols., Cologne , 1991 ), ii, pp. 732 –5 Google Scholar .

51 Rousseau , , ‘ Discourse on the sciences and arts ’, in The discourses and other early political writings , ed. Gourevitch , Victor ( Cambridge , 1997 ), pp. 1 – 28 Google Scholar .

52 OFG , ix, pp. 195–207.

53 Rousseau, Discourses , p. 218.

54 ‘An essay on self-love, considered as a principle of morality’, FGPW , p. 146.

55 Ibid ., p. 143.

56 Ibid ., p. 140.

57 ‘Epistle xviii : To Keith, on the vain terrors of death and the fears of another life’, FGPW , p. 115.

58 Frederick was not aware of Rousseau's later, more positive reconceptualization of self-love (which resembled his own) in Émile, or on education (1762). See Lifschitz , Avi , ‘ Adrastus versus Diogenes: Frederick the Great and Jean-Jacques Rousseau on self-love ’, in Lifschitz , Avi , ed., Engaging with Rousseau ( Cambridge , 2016 ), pp. 17 – 32 CrossRef Google Scholar .

59 Meinecke, Idee der Staatsräson , pp. 354–6. Eduard Zeller compared Frederick's sense of obligation to the state to Kant's disinterested moral duty, while recognizing an irresolvable tension with the king's endorsement of the pursuit of self-love (Zeller, Friedrich als Philosoph , pp. 69–70).

60 ‘Essay on the forms of government and the duties of sovereigns’, FGPW , p. 205.

61 On public opinion and debate in print, especially in Germany, see Habermas , Jürgen , The structural transformation of the public sphere , trans. Burger , Thomas and Lawrence , Frederick ( Cambridge, MA , 1989 ), pp. 71 – 117 Google Scholar ; Vopa , Anthony La , ‘ Conceiving a public: ideas and society in eighteenth-century Europe ’, Journal of Modern History , 64 ( 1992 ), pp. 79 – 116 Google Scholar ; Blanning , T. C. W. , The culture of power and the power of culture: Old Regime Europe 1660–1789 ( Oxford , 2002 ), pp. 194 – 232 CrossRef Google Scholar ; Goldenbaum , Ursula et al. , Appell an das Publikum: Die öffentliche Debatte in der deutschen Aufklärung 1687–1796 ( Berlin , 2004 ) CrossRef Google Scholar .

62 ‘De la Littérature Allemande; des defauts qu'on peut lui reprocher; quelles en sont les causes, et par quels moyens on peut les corriger’, in OFG , vii , p. 120.

63 Kant , Immanuel , Political writings , ed. Reiss , Hans , trans. Nisbet , H. B. ( Cambridge , 1991 ), p. 58 Google Scholar .

64 Klein , Ernst Ferdinand , ‘ The freedom of thought and of the press ’, trans. Christian , John Laursen, in What is Enlightenment? , ed. Schmidt , James ( Berkeley, CA , 1996 ), p. 88 Google Scholar . Originally published in Berlinische Monatsschrift , 3 (1784), pp. 312–30.

65 Blanning , T. C. W. , Frederick the Great: king of Prussia ( London , 2015 ), pp. 335 –9 Google Scholar .

66 Moore , John , A view of society and manners in France, Switzerland, and Germany (2 vols., London , 1779 ), ii , p. 187 Google Scholar .

67 ‘Here is what a single man has brought about, without the help of legislation. One should well reflect how generous goodwill ( libérale bienveillance ) on behalf of the government made this great work happen’ (Honoré Gabriel Riquetti, comte de Mirabeau, De la monarchie prussienne sous Frédéric le Grand , v (London, 1788), p. 58). Mirabeau's focus on a few Berlin-based families did not capture the serious discrimination suffered by most Jews in Prussia; see Schenk , Tobias , Wegbereiter der Emanzipation? Studien zur Judenpolitik des ‘Aufgeklärten Absolutismus’ in Preußen (1763–1812) ( Berlin , 2010 ) CrossRef Google Scholar .

68 Mirabeau, De la monarchie prussienne , v, p. 348.

69 For an overview of public discussion in Prussia in the early 1780s, see Möller , Horst , Vernunft und Kritik. Deutsche Aufklärung im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert ( Frankfurt am Main , 1986 ), pp. 281 – 307 Google Scholar .

70 Lessing to Nicolai, 25 Aug. 1769, in Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, Sämtliche Schriften , ed. Karl Lachmann and Franz Muncker (23 vols., Leipzig, 1886–1924), xvii, p. 298.

71 Nicolai to Lessing, 29 Aug. 1769, in ibid., xix, p. 315. Under Frederick II's successor, Frederick William II, the remit of censorship was significantly extended in an edict of 19 Dec. 1788. In 1794, Nicolai's journal, Allgemeine Deutsche Bibliothek , was proscribed in several Prussian provinces, although it had been sold in 1792 to a non-Prussian publisher (Möller, Vernunft und Kritik , p. 283).

72 Kant, Political writings , p. 55 (original emphases).

73 Ibid ., p. 59 (original emphases).

74 On the transformation of the draft legal code ( Gesetzbuch ) of the mid-1780s into the 1794 Allegemeines Landrecht , see Birtsch , Günter , ‘ Reformabsolutismus und Gesetzesstaat: Rechtsauffassung und Justizpolitik Friedrichs des Großen ’, in Birtsch , Günter and Willoweit , Dietmar , eds., Reformabsolutismus und ständische Gesellschaft ( Berlin , 1998 ), pp. 47 – 62 Google Scholar ; Finkenauer , Thomas , ‘ Vom Alegemeinen Gesetzbuch zum Allgemeinen Landrecht – preußische Gesetzgebung in der Krise ’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte (Germanistische Abteilung), 113 ( 1996 ), pp. 40 – 216 CrossRef Google Scholar .

75 See n. 67 above.

76 This critique was more attenuated in his reviews of d'Holbach's works in 1770.

77 Tocqueville, The ancien régime , ed. Elster, pp. 201–5; Tocqueville, L'ancien régime , ed. Mayer, pp. 345–50.

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• Volume 64, Issue 3
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• DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0018246X20000473

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What is Frederick II known for?

Frederick II, king of Prussia (1740–86), was a brilliant military campaigner who, in a series of diplomatic stratagems and wars against Austria and other powers, greatly enlarged Prussia’s territories and made Prussia the foremost military power in Europe.

When was Frederick II born?

Frederick II was born on January 24, 1712, in Berlin , Prussia (now in Germany ).

When did Frederick II ascend the throne?

Frederick II ascended the throne, becoming the king of Prussia , in 1740, following the death of his father, Frederick William I .

Frederick II (born January 24, 1712, Berlin, Prussia [Germany]—died August 17, 1786, Potsdam , near Berlin) was the king of Prussia (1740–86), a brilliant military campaigner who, in a series of diplomatic stratagems and wars against Austria and other powers, greatly enlarged Prussia’s territories and made Prussia the foremost military power in Europe. An enlightened absolute monarch , he favoured French language and art and built a French Rococo palace, Sanssouci, near Berlin.

Frederick, the third king of Prussia , ranks among the two or three dominant figures in the history of modern Germany . Under his leadership Prussia became one of the great states of Europe. Its territories were greatly increased and its military strength displayed to striking effect. From early in his reign Frederick achieved a high reputation as a military commander, and the Prussian army rapidly became a model admired and imitated in many other states. He also emerged quickly as a leading exponent of the ideas of enlightened government, which were then becoming influential throughout much of Europe; indeed, his example did much to spread and strengthen those ideas. Notably, his insistence on the primacy of state over personal or dynastic interests and his religious toleration widely affected the dominant intellectual currents of the age. Even more than his younger contemporaries, Catherine II the Great of Russia and Joseph II in the Habsburg territories, it was Frederick who, during the mid-18th century, established in the minds of educated Europeans a notion of what “enlightened despotism” should be. His actual achievements, however, were sometimes less than they appeared on the surface; indeed, his inevitable reliance on the landowning officer (Junker) class set severe limits in several respects to what he could even attempt. Nevertheless, his reign saw a revolutionary change in the importance and prestige of Prussia, which was to have profound implications for much of the subsequent history of Europe .

Frederick was the eldest surviving son of Frederick William I , king of Prussia, and Sophia Dorothea of Hanover, daughter of George I of Britain . Frederick’s upbringing and education were strictly controlled by his father, who was a martinet as well as a paranoiac. Encouraged and supported by his mother and his sister Wilhelmina , Frederick soon came into bitter conflict with his father. Frederick William I deeply despised the artistic and intellectual tastes of his son and was infuriated by Frederick’s lack of sympathy with his own rigidly puritanical and militaristic outlook. His disappointment and contempt took the form of bitter public criticism and even outright physical violence, and Frederick, beaten and humiliated by his father, often over trifling details of behaviour, took refuge in evasion and deceit. This personal and family feud culminated spectacularly in 1730, when Frederick was imprisoned in the fortress of Küstrin after planning unsuccessfully to flee initially to France or Holland. Lieutenant Hans Hermann von Katte, the young officer who had been his accomplice in the plan, was executed in Frederick’s presence, and there was for a short time a real possibility that the prince might share his fate. During the next year or more Frederick, as a punishment, was employed as a junior official in local administration and deprived of his military rank. The effects of this terrible early life are impossible to measure with accuracy, but there is little doubt that the violent and capricious bullying of his father influenced him deeply.

In 1733, after a partial reconciliation with his father, Frederick was married to a member of a minor German princely family, Elizabeth Christine of Brunswick-Bevern, for whom he never cared and whom he systematically neglected. In the following year he saw active military service for the first time under the great Austrian commander Eugene of Savoy against the French army in the Rhineland. In the later 1730s, in semiretirement in the castle of Rheinsberg near Berlin and able for the first time to give free rein to his own tastes, he read voraciously, absorbing the ideas on government and international relations that were to guide him throughout his life. These years were perhaps the happiest that Frederick ever experienced. However, his relations with his father, though somewhat improved, remained strained.

Accession to the throne and foreign policy

Frederick William I died on May 31, 1740, and Frederick, on his accession, immediately made it clear to his ministers that he alone would decide policy. Within a few months he was given a chance to do so in a way that revolutionized Prussia’s international position. The Holy Roman emperor Charles VI , of the Austrian house of Habsburg , died on October 20, leaving as his heir a daughter, the archduchess Maria Theresa , whose claims to several of the heterogeneous Habsburg territories were certain to be disputed. Moreover, her army was in a poor state, the financial position of the Habsburg government very difficult, and her ministers mediocre and in many cases old. Frederick, however, thanks to his father, had a fine army and ample funds at his disposal. He therefore decided shortly after the emperor’s death to attack the Habsburg province of Silesia , a wealthy and strategically important area to which the Hohenzollerns , the ruling family of Prussia, had dynastic claims, though weak ones. The most important threat to his plans was Russian support for Maria Theresa, which he hoped to avert by judicious bribery in St. Petersburg and by exploiting the confusion that was likely to follow the imminent death of the empress Anna . He also hoped that Maria Theresa would cede most of Silesia in return for a promise of Prussian support against her other enemies, but her refusal to do so made war inevitable.

The first military victory of Frederick’s reign was the battle of Mollwitz (April 1741), though it owed nothing to his own leadership; in October Maria Theresa, now threatened by a hostile coalition of France , Spain, and Bavaria , had to agree to the Convention of Klein-Schnellendorf , by which Frederick was allowed to occupy the whole of Lower Silesia. However, the Habsburg successes against the French and Bavarians that followed so alarmed Frederick that early in 1742 he invaded Moravia, the region south of Silesia, which was under Austrian rule. His rather incomplete victory at Chotusitz in May nonetheless forced Maria Theresa to cede almost all of Silesia by the Treaty of Berlin of 1742 in July. This once more allowed Habsburg forces to be concentrated against France and Bavaria, and 1743 and the early months of 1744 saw Maria Theresa’s position in Germany become markedly stronger. Frederick, again alarmed by this, invaded Bohemia in August 1744 and rapidly overran it. However, by the end of the year lack of French support and threats to his lines of communication had forced him to retreat. Moreover, the elector Augustus III (king of Poland and the elector of Saxony) now joined Maria Theresa in attacking him in Silesia. He was rescued from this threatening situation by the prowess of his army; victories at Hohenfriedberg in June 1745 and at Soor in September were followed by a Prussian invasion of Saxony . The Treaty of Dresden , signed on December 25, 1745, finally established Prussian rule in Silesia and ended for the time being the complex series of struggles that had begun five years earlier.

Silesia was a valuable acquisition, being more developed economically than any other major part of the Hohenzollern dominions. Moreover, military victory had now made Prussia at least a semigreat power and marked Frederick as the most successful ruler in Europe. He was well aware, however, that his situation was far from secure. Maria Theresa was determined to recover Silesia, and the peace she signed with France and Spain at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748 allowed her to accelerate significant improvements in the administration of her territories and the organization of her army. Frederick’s alliance with France, which dated from an agreement of June 1741, was based merely on mutual hostility toward the Habsburgs and had never been effective. More serious, anti-Prussian feeling was now running high in Russia, where both the empress Elizabeth , who had ascended the throne in 1741, and her chancellor, Aleksey Bestuzhev-Ryumin, bitterly disliked Frederick. Moreover, Great Britain, under George II , seeking an effective continental ally against France, seemed to be moving closer to Maria Theresa and Elizabeth. In September 1755 Britain signed an agreement with Russia by which Russia, in return for British subsidies, was to provide a large military force in its Baltic provinces to protect, if necessary, the electorate of Hanover, ruled by George II, against possible French or Prussian attack. Frederick was deeply alarmed by this: a hostile Austro-Russian alliance backed by British money seemed to threaten the destruction of Prussia. In January 1756 he attempted to escape from this menacing situation by an agreement with Britain for the neutralization of Germany in the Anglo-French colonial and naval war that had just begun. This, however, deeply antagonized Louis XV and the French government, who saw the agreement as an insulting desertion of France, Frederick’s ostensible ally. The result was the signature in May of a Franco-Austrian defensive alliance. This did not in itself threaten Frederick, but he soon became convinced that a Russo-Austrian attack on him, with French support, was imminent. He determined to forestall his enemies and, in a daring move, invaded Saxony in August 1756 and marched on into Bohemia. This action has been more actively debated by historians than any other event of Frederick’s reign because it raised in an acute form the general issue regarding the morality of preventive military action. Though Frederick took the offensive and thus unleashed a great military struggle, there is no doubt that he was by 1756 seriously threatened, indeed, even more seriously than he himself realized, and that his enemies, most of all the empress Elizabeth, meant to destroy Prussia’s newly won international status.

Frederick II

(1712-1786)

Who Was Frederick II?

Frederick II inherited the Prussian throne in 1740 and established control of Silesia in 1745. The Seven Years' War threatened to destroy Prussia's status, but ended with Silesia still in Frederick's control. During his time on the throne, Frederick increased Prussia's territories and military power. He died in 1786.

Frederick was born into the House of Hohenzollern on January 24, 1712, to Frederick William I of Prussia and Princess Sophia-Dorothea — the sister of George II of Great Britain. The couple enjoyed a political marriage and not much else. Frederick William was authoritarian and quick-tempered; Sophia was well-educated and loved the richness of life. Unlike in every way, Frederick's parents sought to raise him in their own, if totally different, images.

During Frederick's childhood, his mother brought him many of the treasures of the Enlightenment. He spent his early years with tutors, learning poetry, French culture, and the Greek and Roman classics. However, his father chafed at such notions and pushed to have his son educated in the practical matters of running and defending a state. When he came of age, Frederick was forced into the army and set on a course of military science and governance.

Frederick William abused his son, often beating and humiliating him for trifling reasons. Finally, in 1730, at age 18, Frederick attempted to escape with childhood friend Hans Herman von Katte. They were caught and arrested for treason, however, and Katte was beheaded in Frederick's presence. His father pardoned Frederick, but placed him as a junior official in local administration to learn the ways of government.

After a tepid reconciliation, Frederick's father arranged for him a marriage to Elizabeth Christine of Brunswick-Bevern, in 1733. Frederick quickly separated from her and, for the rest of his life, showed no interest in women. Frederick ascended the throne upon the death of his father in 1740, and abandoned peaceful pursuits to make his place in the geopolitical intrigue of 18th-century Europe. Fortunately, his loathsome father left Frederick with a strong army and ample funds.

Frederick the Great

In 1741, Prussia consisted of scattered territories across central Europe and few significant allies save for Great Britain. Sensing weakness in the Austrian Empire, Frederick deceived Habsburg Queen Maria Theresa to allow his armies to occupy Lower Silesia in exchange for protection from France, Spain and Bavaria. He then proceeded to invade key areas, forcing Maria Theresa to cede almost all of Silesia by 1745.

In 1756, Austria, backed by France and Russia, tried to regain control of Silesia. Frederick struck preemptively, invading Saxony, and with his ally Great Britain started the Seven Years War. In a series of battles to the death, Frederick lost territory, then gained it, then lost it again. In 1760, Austro-Russian forces occupied Berlin, and Frederick, reduced to despair, considered suicide. However, the death of Empress Elizabeth of Russia placed advocate Peter III on the throne and Russia withdrew from the war. Although Frederick did not gain territory, the ensuing treaty allowed him to retain Silesia and made him popular throughout the many German-speaking territories. Prussia became one of the preeminent powers in Europe.

Domestically, Frederick's Enlightenment influence was more evident. He reformed the military and government, established religious tolerance and granted a basic form of freedom of the press. He bolstered the legal system and established the first German code of law. Of all things, Frederick the Great, as he became to be known, left a legacy of devotion to Germany that set the example for leaders into the 20th century.

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• Name: Frederick II
• Birth Year: 1712
• Birth date: January 24, 1712
• Birth City: Berlin
• Birth Country: Germany
• Gender: Male
• Best Known For: Frederick II, known as Frederick the Great, was Prussia's king from 1740 to 1786. By winning wars and expanding territories, he established Prussia as a strong military power.
• World Politics
• War and Militaries
• Astrological Sign: Aquarius
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• Death Year: 1786
• Death date: August 17, 1786
• Death City: Potsdam
• Death Country: Germany

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Frederick II (“the Great”), “Forms of Government and the Duties of Rulers” (1777)

• The Holy Roman Empire (1648-1815)
• The Prussian Monarchy
• Source (27/38)

Here, Frederick presents a version of social contract theory, in which monarchical power is justified before civil society and stands in opposition to republicanism, by its maintenance of the law, defense of the realm, and other services. These pages contain his famous designation of the king as “the principal servant of the state” [“ der erste Diener des Staates ”]. The essay suggests that the “absolutist” ruler should govern “as if” he were responsible for his actions to “the people.”

Forms of Government and the Duties of Rulers

The citizens have accorded pre-eminence to one of their number only because of the services which he can render them. These services consist in maintaining the laws, in meting out justice, in opposing with all his strength the deterioration of morals, in defending the State against its enemies.

The ruler should carefully watch the cultivation of the soil. He should provide an abundance of food for the people, encourage industry, and further commerce. He ought to be like a sentinel who watches unceasingly the neighbours of the State and the activities of its enemies. It is necessary that the sovereign should act with foresight and prudence and conclude alliances in good time, and he ought to choose his Allies among those who are most likely to promote the interests of his country. Each of the functions named requires a wealth of knowledge from the sovereign. He must study profoundly the physical conditions of his country, and should thoroughly know the spirit and character of the people, for an ignorant sovereign is as guilty as an ill-disposed one. Ignorance in the ruler is due to his laziness, while malice springs from an evil mind. However, the sufferings caused by his mistakes are as great in the one case as in the other.

Princes, sovereigns, and kings have not been given supreme authority in order to live in luxurious self-indulgence and debauchery. They have not been elevated by their fellow-men to enable them to strut about and to insult with their pride the simple-mannered, the poor, and the suffering. They have not been placed at the head of the State to keep around themselves a crowd of idle loafers whose uselessness drives them towards vice. The bad administration which may be found in monarchies springs from many different causes, but their principal cause lies in the character of the sovereign. A ruler addicted to women will become a tool of his mistresses and favourites, and these will abuse their power and commit wrongs of every kind, will protect vice, sell offices, and perpetrate every infamy.

If a ruler abandons the helm of the ship of State and places it into the hands of paid men, of the Ministers appointed by him, one will steer to the right and another to the left. A general plan is no longer followed. Every Minister disapproves of the actions of his predecessor, and makes changes even if they are quite unnecessary, wishing to originate a new policy which often is harmful. [ … ]

Men are attached to their own. As the State does not belong to the Ministers in power they have no real interest in its welfare. Hence the government is carried on with careless indifference, and the result is that the administration, the public finances, and the army deteriorate. Thus the monarchy becomes an oligarchy. Ministers and generals direct affairs in accordance with their fancy. Systematic administration disappears. Everyone follows his own notions. No link is left which connects the directing factors.

As all the wheels and springs of the watch serve together the single object of measuring time, all the springs and wheels of a Government should be so arranged and coordinated that all the departments of the national administration work together with the single aim of promoting the greatest good of the State. That aim should not be lost sight of for a single moment. Besides, the individual interests of ministers and generals usually cause them to oppose each other. Thus personal differences often prevent the carrying through of the most necessary measure.

The sovereign is the representative of his State. He and his people form a single body. Ruler and ruled can be happy only if they are firmly united. The sovereign stands to his people in the same relation in which the head stands to the body. He must use his eyes and his brain for the whole community, and act on its behalf to the common advantage. If we wish to elevate monarchical above republican government, the duty of sovereigns is clear. They must be active, hard-working, upright and honest, and concentrate all their strength upon filling their office worthily. That is my idea of the duties of sovereigns.

A sovereign must possess an exact and detailed knowledge of the strong and of the weak points of his country. He must be thoroughly acquainted with its resources, the character of the people, and the national commerce. [ … ]

Good laws must be clearly expressed. Otherwise trickery can evade them, and cunning take advantage of them, and then the weak will become a prey to the powerful and the cunning. Legal procedure should be as short as possible. Otherwise the people will be ruined by protracted law suits. They should not have to spend vast sums in litigation, for they are entitled to justice. The Law Department of the Government cannot be too watchful in protecting the people against the grasping greed of the lawyers. The whole legal apparatus should be kept in order by periodical inspections, when those who believe that they have been wronged by the law can place their complaints before the visiting Commission. Punishments should never be excessive. Violence should never displace the laws. It is better that a sovereign should be too mild than too severe. [ … ]

Rulers should always remind themselves that they are men like the least of their subjects. The sovereign is the foremost judge, general, financier, and minister of his country, not merely for the sake of his prestige. Therefore, he should perform with care the duties connected with these offices. He is merely the principal servant of the State. Hence, he must act with honesty, wisdom, and complete disinterestedness in such a way that he can render an account of his stewardship to the citizens at any moment. Consequently, he is guilty if he wastes the money of the people, the taxes which they have paid, in luxury, pomp, and debauchery. He who should improve the morals of the people, be the guardian of the law, and improve their education should not pervert them by his bad example.

The promotion of morality in the widest sense is one of the most important duties of the sovereign. He can do much by distinguishing and rewarding the worthy and by showing his contempt for the worthless. A ruler should loudly disapprove of every dishonourable act and refuse distinction to those who will not mend their ways.

A sovereign may do irremediable injury to the State by distinguishing people of wealth but without merit, for honours bestowed on the worthless rich strengthen the widely held idea that wealth alone suffices to give distinction. If that belief should gain ground, greed and cupidity will break all bounds. A scramble for wealth will ensue, and the most reprehensible means for acquiring riches will be employed. Corruption will spread apace, become general, and take deep root. Men of talent and of character will be disregarded, and the people will honour only those who by ostentatious expenditure advertise their wealth.

To prevent the corruption of the national character the sovereign must distinguish only men of true merit and treat with contempt men of wealth without virtue.

Source of English translation: J. Ellis Barker, ed. The foundations of Germany: A documentary account revealing the causes of her strength, wealth, and efficiency. London: John Murray, 1918, pp. 21–42.

Source of original French text: Œuvres de Frédéroc le Grand . Ed. Johann David Erdmann Preuß. Volume 8. Berlin, 1848, pp. 198–201, 208–210.

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Frederick The Great — An Icon and Misguided Monarch

“The king failed on a grand, strategic scale in two critical components.”

By Michael G. Stroud

EUROPE HAS been the breeding ground for some of the greatest military commanders in history, from Prince Eugene of Savoy (1663-1736) in the service of the Holy Roman Empire to the warrior-king of Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus (1594-1632). It would be a short of stature, no more than five feet three inches, artistically inclined yet harshly raised Prussian monarch that would rise above them and loom large in military history. Frederick II of Prussia (1712-1786) would forever be an iconic commander and icon for his unlikely military successes as well as a misguided monarch for his failures.

To understand the military leader and titanic figure that would come to be Frederick the Great and nicknamed “Old Fritz” one must first understand his upbringing as it forged his ideology and personality.

Born on a cold and blustery Sunday in January to the booming of cannons for all to acknowledge, the future military leader’s destiny was decided for him when his grandfather, King Frederick I (1657-1713) stated the name Frederick “‘has always brought good fortune to my House.’” [1]

Frederick would grow up a sickly and delicate boy, who would begin his military indoctrination at the age of seven by two military officers. The future king gravitated toward the arts, literature, and music, but his iron-handed and tyrannical father, Frederick William I (1688-1740) would have none of that as he viewed those pursuits as too effeminate for any son of his.

After surviving being court-martialed (for fleeing Prussia) and a sentence of death that was interdicted through the demands of other European nobles, Frederick bent and forged his values and personality to acquiesce to his father’s expectations. It was in that moment that Frederick “became a liar, a hypocrite, a cynic and a practiced dissembler” who would go the rest of his life hiding his true feelings from all, while vigorously pursuing all matters of statecraft and military leadership. [2] Frederick would mercilessly apply all manners of his personality and energy to his military endeavors upon becoming king at the age of 28 with the death of his father on May 31, 1740.

It was from his new position as king of Prussia that afforded Frederick the power and status to begin his military ascendancy and numerous successes. The first would have been in his invasion on the Austrian region of Silesia, better known as the Silesian Wars (1740-1745). At the time, Frederick had inherited a relatively small, yet highly drilled Prussian army of around 81,000 with Prussia itself seemingly surrounded by enemies and with no alliances to speak of so the opportunities were ripe for the new king and commander to change the European dynamic. Frederick in invading Silesia saw an opportunity as he had an “’Army ready for acting; Funds, Supplies all found [lying barrelled in the Schloss at Berlin];–and perhaps the desire of making oneself a name.’” [3]

In the span of five years, Frederick and his highly drilled infantry-based army, literally outgunned their Austrian opposition, being able to deliver five rounds per minute compared to the Austrians two, which led to various treaties being signed and Frederick and Prussia securing Silesia.

Frederick was very much an enlightened despot, a ruler that believed utterly and completely in his duty to vigorously lead his people and his country and he demanded obedience and compliance from them all. The king spoke of the serious view he held as to his role and that of the people:

The sovereign is the representative of his State. He and his people form a single body. Ruler and ruled can be happy only if they are firmly united. The sovereign stands to his people in the same relation in which the head stands to the body. He must use his eyes and his brain for the whole community, and act on its behalf to the common advantage. [4]

It was from this perspective of absolutism, that Frederick achieved lasting success in his transformation of both Prussia as a whole and Berlin as a capital of culture, the arts, and scientific pursuits. Frederick instituted an extensive building program in Berlin, to rival those of his royal peers and poured resources into the advancement of scientific research and study. Prussia had been a purposefully isolated and, in many ways, ignorant European state (Fredericks’s father thought it easier to control the people through their ignorance) and for Prussia to be taken seriously as a rival and enlightened power amongst the old order, Frederick saw to it that this would be changed. The king also instituted massive reforms of the judicial system, realizing that a centralized judicial system “was vital to royal absolutism and that fair judicial processes were vital if the kingdom was to prosper.” [5] Through his natural aggressiveness, ambition, temperament, and iron will, Frederick transformed Prussia into a modern state of the times and a power to rival those of a much larger scale.

This same personality, however, was also what led to his failures. Frederick’s single biggest failure as commander and king of Prussia was never finishing his opponents off and thus leaving Prussia open for future retribution. Put another way, the king failed on a grand, strategic scale in two critical components. First, as Frederick launched his immaculately drilled and honed Prussian army on their opponents to ravage them with their Oblique Order of attack, he consistently failed to decisively crush his armies, instead fighting them to terms that he considered acceptable. This short-sightedness on his part allowed for his enemies to rearm, replenish their troops, and seek revenge for any losses suffered at his hand.

The second critical fault of Frederick’s command ability is that he never truly understood or appreciated the concept of power politics with his monarchial counterparts. Even at the age of 67 in May of 1779, and after forming a tentative alliance with Czarina Catherine of Russia (1729-1796) that Frederick knew was suspect at best due to her desire to see the Turkish empire broken up, which Frederick opposed, the Prussian king failed to grasp the machinations already underway. In fact, the Czarina at the time “was slowly moving toward a diplomacy that would isolate Prussia” as she astutely knew that “Frederick needed her more than she needed him.” [6]

In failing to appreciate the grand game of strategic politics on a wider scale, Frederick failed his beloved Prussia as the country would be devastated upon his death from their enemies. This would lead to destroyed farmlands, ravaged Prussian cities and a population that would decidedly be made poorer in nearly every aspect.

Frederick the Greats reputation as one of the greatest military commanders in history is well established and solidified. Taking a small, backwater European state, instilling iron discipline and command and control over a small, but highly lethal infantry-based military and then unleashing them on his neighbours for monarchial and military glory, brought both the king and Prussia itself immense status and prestige. However, with the greatest glories came the greatest failures, with Frederick failing to appreciate that the greatest war that had to be won wasn’t always on the battlefield. In failing to deal a fatal blow to his enemies’ armies, combined with failing to deal them as much politically through lasting and binding alliances, Frederick failed to protect his country beyond his death.

Michael Stroud is a military historian with a passion for travel. He’s visited Napoleon’s Tomb, Versailles, Rome, Pompeii, Gettysburg and Antietam. He currently lives in Coldwater, Michigan with his wife Kellie. You can follow him on   LinkedIn .

[1] Robert B. Asprey,  Frederick the Great: The Magnificent Enigma  (New York, NY: Ticknor & Fields, 1986), 3.

[2] Albert Seaton and Michael Youens,  Frederick the Great’s Army  (Reading, UK: Osprey, 1973), 6.

[3] Thomas Carlyle, “The Project Gutenberg Works of Thomas Carlyle, Including The History of Friedrich II. Of Prussia, and Others.,” ed. David Widger, Project Gutenberg, 2018, https://www.gutenberg.org/files/25808/25808-h/25808-h.htm.

[4] Frederick II, “Frederick II: Essay on Forms of Government,” trans. J. Ellis Barker, Fordham University, accessed January 27, 2022, https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/mod/18fred2.asp.

[5] Robert B. Asprey,  Frederick the Great: The Magnificent Enigma  (New York, NY: Ticknor & Fields, 1986), 365.

[6] Ibid., 625.  

Bibliography  

Asprey, Robert B.  Frederick the Great: The Magnificent Enigma . New York, NY: Ticknor & Fields, 1986.

Carlyle, Thomas. “The Project Gutenberg Works of Thomas Carlyle, Including The History of Friedrich II. Of Prussia, and Others.” Edited by David Widger. Project Gutenberg, 2018. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/25808/25808-h/25808-h.htm .

Frederick II. “Frederick II: Essay on Forms of Government.” Translated by J. Ellis Barker. Fordham University. Accessed January 27, 2022. https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/mod/18fred2.asp .

Seaton, Albert, and Michael Youens.  Frederick the Great’s Army . Reading, UK: Osprey, 1973.

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page 2 of 4            first page < previous   |   next > last page 196 COMMENTS Internet Modern History Sourcebook Frederick II of Prussia: Essay on Forms of Government The King of Prussia, Frederick II (1740-1786), was a model of and Enlightened despot. He took very seriously his duties as king. From Frederick II. Essay on the Forms of Government. A sovereign must possess an exact and detailed knowledge of the strong and of the weak points of his country. ... PDF from Essay on Forms of Government Frederick's Essay on Forms of Government describes the principles of an enlightened government. In the following excerpt from this famous essay, the Prussian king comments on a range of topics, including the legal system, the military, taxation, and religious tolerance. Summarize the key points Frederick II makes in this essay. PDF Frederick II ("the Great"), "Forms of Government and the Duties of Frederick II ("the Great"), "Forms of Government and the Duties of Rulers" (1777) Abstract Here, Frederick presents a version of social contract theory, in which monarchical power is justified before civil society and stands in opposition to republicanism, by its maintenance of the law, defense of ... The essay suggests that the ... 14. Essay on the Forms of Government and the Duties of Sovereigns II F. 14. Essay on the Forms of Government and the Duties of Sovereigns. In: Lifschitz A (ed.) . Princeton: Princeton University Press; 2021. p.195-208. Please login or register with De Gruyter to order this product. 14. Essay on the Forms of Government and the Duties of Sovereigns was published in Frederick the Great's Philosophical Writings ... Internet Modern History Sourcebook Count von Seckendorf: On Frederick William I. Isaac Isaacsohn: History of the Prussian Civil Service. Letters of Prince Frederick and Frederick William I. Frederick II (1740-1786): Memoirs. Frederick II (1740-1786): Essay on Froms of Government. Samuel Pufendorf: History of the Principal Kingdoms, 1700. Frederick the Great's Philosophical Writings Frederick's 'Dissertation on the Innocence of Errors of Mind', the first ʽPreface to History of My Age', 'Critical Examination of The System of Nature', 'Dialogue of the Dead between Madame de Pompadour and the Virgin Mary' and 'Essay on the Forms of Government and the Duties of Sovereigns' all remained unpublished during ... Frederick the Great's Essay on Forms of Government Frederick the Great's Essay on Forms of Government. A sovereign must possess an exact and detailed knowledge of the strong and of the weak points of his country. He must be thoroughly acquainted with its resources, the character of the people. and the national commerce.... Rulers should always remind themselves that they are men like the least ... Philosophy and Political Agency in The Writings of Frederick Ii of Frederick II's writings have conventionally been viewed either as political tools or as means of public self-fashioning - part of his campaign to raise the status of Prussia from middling principality to great power. ... 60 'Essay on the forms of government and the duties of sovereigns', FGPW, p. 205. 61 61 On public opinion and debate in ... Frederick II Frederick II (born January 24, 1712, Berlin, Prussia [Germany]—died August 17, 1786, Potsdam, near Berlin) was the king of Prussia (1740-86), a brilliant military campaigner who, in a series of diplomatic stratagems and wars against Austria and other powers, greatly enlarged Prussia's territories and made Prussia the foremost military power in Europe. GHDI Frederick II ("the Great"), "Forms of Government and the Duties of Rulers" (1777) Here, Frederick presents a version of social contract theory, in which monarchical power is justified before civil society and stands in opposition to republicanism, by its maintenance of the law, defense of the realm, and other services. Frederick II Frederick II, known as Frederick the Great, was Prussia's king from 1740 to 1786. ... He reformed the military and government, established religious tolerance and granted a basic form of freedom ... Frederick the Great's Philosophical Writings Frederick II. Princeton University Press, Dec 1, 2020 - History - 304 pages. The first modern English edition of diverse Enlightenment-era writings by Prussian monarch Frederick the Great Frederick II of Prussia (1712-1786), best known as Frederick the Great, was a prolific writer of philosophical discourses, poems, epics, satires, and more ... Frederick II ("the Great"), "Forms of Government and the Duties of Frederick II ("the Great"), "Forms of Government and the Duties of Rulers" (1777) ... The essay suggests that the "absolutist" ruler should govern "as if" he were responsible for his actions to "the people." ... Forms of Government and the Duties of Rulers. The citizens have accorded pre-eminence to one of their number only ... PDF Essay on Forms of Goyer¡Iment King Frederick Ii ope. Frederick strengthened Prussia's reputationas a military power while at the sam. time promoting the ideals of the Enlightenment. Frederickt Essøy on Forms of Gouernment descr. bes the principles of an enlightened government. In the following excerpt from this famous essa¡ the Prussian king comments on a rânge of topics, including the ... PDF Modern History Sourcebook: Frederick II: Essay on Forms of Government Frederick II: Essay on Forms of Government The King of Prussia, Frederick II (1740-1786), was a model of and Enlightened despot. He took very seriously his duties as king. From Frederick II. Essay on the Forms of Government A sovereign must possess an exact and detailed knowledge of the strong and of the weak points of his country. Frederick the Great's Philosophical Writings on JSTOR In 1794, Christoph Meiners, a conservative professor of philosophy at the University of Göttingen, warned that the writings of Frederick II ('the Great'), the recently deceased king of Prussia, possessed a dangerous potential and should, therefore, be treated with the utmost caution. Distinguishing between 'real, ill-timed, and false ... Frederick the Great on Government and Public Administration: Frederick's ideas on enlightened government, the good of the state, and the role of public administration are examined here. It is argued that the ideas espoused by Frederick have been influential in American public administration thinking about the role of public administration and the nature of the state. GHDI In 1768, Frederick revised this document, meant only for his eventual successor's eyes, to take into account changed circumstances, but otherwise it stands as an incisive political self-portrait. Notable is his stoical, rationalist, and absolutist conception of the royal office. So, too, are his views on Prussia's "national spirit" and ... Frederick The Great It would be a short of stature, no more than five feet three inches, artistically inclined yet harshly raised Prussian monarch that would rise above them and loom large in military history. Frederick II of Prussia (1712-1786) would forever be an iconic commander and icon for his unlikely military successes as well as a misguided monarch for his ... GHDI Political Testament of Frederick II ("the Great") (1752) In 1768, Frederick revised this document, meant only for his eventual successor's eyes, to take.... 9. Frederick II ("the Great"), "Forms of Government and the Duties of Rulers" (1777) Here, Frederick presents a version of social contract theory, in which monarchical power is justified ... GHDI Frederick II ("the Great"), "Forms of Government and the Duties of Rulers" (1777) ... Hence the government is carried on with careless indifference, and the result is that the administration, the public finances, and the army deteriorate. Thus the monarchy becomes an oligarchy. Ministers and generals direct affairs in accordance with their fancy. PDF "Essay on Forms of Government" by Frederick II "Essay on Forms of Government" by Frederick II The King of Prussia, Frederick II (1740-1786), was a model of and Enlightened despot. He took very seriously his duties as king. A sovereign must possess an exact and detailed knowledge of the strong and of the weak points of his country. frederick ii, king of prussia, on forms of government, 1752 , published In 1752, Frederick II, the king of Prussia, published an essay on forms of government. Frederick II was an Enlightenment thinker and his essay reflected his views on representative government. During the Enlightenment period, there was a shift in thinking towards the idea of representative government, where power is shared between the ruler and ... assignment homework phd report resume review speech thesis